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PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE. The ecclesiastical head of the 
Armenians is the Catholicos residing at Etchmiadzine, in the Caucasus. Ut the 
same rank are the Catholicos of Aghtamar (near Van) and the Catholicos ot bis, 
in Cilicia. Next come the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Jerusalem, tne 
former taking precedence as the civil head of the Armenians in Turkey. 



TURKEY 

AND 

THE ARMENIAN ATROCITIES 



A REIGN OF TERROR. 

FROM TARTAR HUTS TO CONSTANTINOPLE PALACES. 

CENTURIES OF OPPRESSION— MOSLEM AND CHRISTIAN— SULTAN 

AND PATRIARCH— BROKEN PLEDGES FOLLOWED 

BY MASSACRE AND OUTRAGE. 

THE RED CROSS Tp THE RESCUE. 



Is 

Rev. EDWIN MUNSELL BLISS, 

Late of Constantinople, 
Editor of Encyclopedia of Missions ; Assistant Editor of The Independent, 

ASSISTED BY 

The Rev. Cyrus Hamlin, D. D., flounder of Robert College; Prof. E. A. Grosvenor, of Amherst 

College ; Rev. Benjamin Laearee, D. D., late of Persia, and Other Eminent Oriental 

Scholars ; also Several Eye-Witnesses of the Massacres. 

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 

MISS FRANCES E. WlLLARD. 



FULLY ILLUSTRATED. 

HUBBARD PUBLISHING CO., PUBLISHERS, y^y^, 

, PHILADELPHIA, PA. 



Copyright, 1896, by M. J. Coghlan. 



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INTRODUCTION. 

WE need a new angle of vision on the martyrdoms in Armenia. 
Let us suppose that we had never heard anything about 
them and that on next Sunday morning, in our respective 
churches, our respective pastors should come forward with a statement 
like the following : — 

Near the foot of a famous mountain there lived 1 500 years ago, in a little 
country about 400 miles square, a people numbering, perhaps, 3,000,000. 
In the turmoil of the centuries they had been scattered until their ances- 
tral valleys and mountain slopes have largely passed into other hands. 
They still preserve, however, the racial characteristics of that early time, 
and look back with intense yearning to that olden time and those 
familiar places. 

In face, figure and bearing, they are remarkably attractive. It is said 
that their personal resemblance to the supposed physical type of our 
Lord is probably more striking than that of any other race. In the 
simplicity of their faith and the earnestness of their character, these 
people are reminders of the early Christian Church. The bravery of 
their men and the chastity of their women are proverbial. They 
cherish the Bible as the most precious of their possessions and guard 
it all the more sacredly when to do so involves the hazard of their 
lives. They are unarmed and do harm to none, they only seek to tend 
their flocks, till their fields, and conduct their trade in quietness and 
peace. 

Their country is controlled by a rich and powerful potentate of 
another race, who with his court and his army would be neither cruel 
nor vindictive except for their religion. They are Mohammedans and 

CO 



2 INTRODUCTION. 

have been taught for centuries that a Christian slain was the surest 
passport to the favor of God and the enjoyment of eternal happiness. 
Under the insane spell of this awful fanaticism, they have come down 
like wolves on the gentle Christian people under their sway, and within 
the last year have slaughtered men, women and children without mercy, 
not for any wrong that they have done, but only because they are 
Christians. Their villages and homes have been burned to the ground 
and such ingenuity of torture and outrage inflicted upon them as could 
hardly have been excelled if the bottomless pit had vomited forth its 
leading spirits to urge the battle on. 

The cruelty towards priests and women, the two non-combatant 
classes, has been bitterest of all. Because the priest represented the 
detested religion of Christ, he has been not only slain but mutilated, 
and the sign of the cross cut in his forehead by murderous swords, and 
because Mohammedans believe before all things in the harem rather 
than the home, a brutal soldiery has spared neither the wife, the 
mother, nor the babe unborn. Outrages worse than death have been 
endured by women, always preceded by the promise that they would 
be spared if they would abjure their faith, but in no instance have they 
hesitated to face their double agony rather than disclaim allegiance 
to the Cross. 

Now, in the presence of such a spectacle as this, with the martyr- 
dom of a devoted nation going forward under their eyes, the men of 
Christendom have stood by and watched these agonies ; have seen a 
crowd of gentle Christian women shut up in a church and undergoing 
a night of outrage ending in murder, the streams of blood flowing out 
under the church doors ; they have stood by while Moslem savages 
deliberately disemboweled Christian mothers and brought into a world 
accursed, innocent babes which were taken on the points of bayonets 
and sportively tossed to and fro ; they have passively beheld the mas- 
sacre of fifty thousand Christian people in the slowly-rounded circle of 
a year. 

Suppose that this were said in every Christian pulpit next Sunday morn- 
ing, with what righteous anger and holy indignation would the congre- 
gation rise up exclaiming : " Where are these outrages ? Who are the 



INTRODUCTION. 3 

dastards that stand by watching the slow martyrdom of a nation whose 
only fault is its loyalty to the Gospel that we profess ? " 

And then should come the answer that Nathan uttered in the face of 
David: pointing to America, England, the Christian nations of the 
continent of Europe, " Thou art the man ! " It is you that are standing 
by like the traitors of old and consenting to the death of those who in 
an age of spiritual apathy are sealing with the blood of martyrdom 
their holy allegiance to " the faith once delivered to the saints." 

This is the situation : Armenians are the nation ; the Sultan and his 
soldiers are the devil's scourge ; the Anglo-Saxon race is the cold- 
hearted spectator. 

In saying this I am not upbraiding any person high in power, not 
singling out any nation as more guilty than the rest. For in this crisis 
mere criticism would be futile. What we must have is action ; united, 
cogent and immediate; we must not stand upon the order of our going, 
but go at once, drawn by the compulsion of what is best and most 
enduring in our natures, even " the tie that binds " us to the assertion 
and proof of a common humanity and a " like precious faith " in 
Christ. We have waited a year, and now across the horrid front of 
war gleams the white figure of a woman. Clara Barton, the angel of 
the battlefield, takes upon herself the heavenly task of going to Turkey to 
represent the forces of the Golden Rule and of the Home which is 
their outcome. 

In the long and bloody annals of the Sultan's country, two figures 
brighten the scene, two names breathe benediction — Florence Nightin- 
gale and Clara Barton, the fairest flowers of English and American 
Christianity. Women may well be grateful that their sex has placed 
in the sky where the crescent is fading into darkness the two brightest 
stars of hope that shall glow in history's constellation. 

Americans have given costly hostages to the Turk. No band of 
men and women more heroic have lived since the Great Light shone 
forth out of Jerusalem, than our Missionaries in the land of the 
harem. 

The record of their danger, suffering and death is only second to that 
of the beloved Armenians whose devotion has rewarded their heroic 



4 INTRODUCTION. 

toil. Their colleges and schools, churches and hospitals have passed 
under the withering blight of the Mohammedan. 

In the present desperate emergency, the work of Miss Kimball in 
the devastated city of Van will be chronicled on the fairest pages where 
the bravery of Christian women is described. 

The record that follows is given us by a noble young American, the son 
of Isaac G. Bliss, D. D., that statesman-like Missionary whose name 
has been endeared to the Christian Church for well nigh half a century 
by reason of his wise and unremitting labors. The appearance of this 
book is opportune, and its moderation of tone will commend it to all 
thoughtful readers. For we do not wish to hate the Turk or impale 
him on the point of rapier-like epithets. He is what the centuries have 
made him, and like Saul of Tarsus who became Paul of Damascus, he 
" verily thinks that he doeth God service." Superstition and fanaticism 
have been in all ages the most deadly foes of the human race. Under 
their withering breath the Armenians seem likely to be swept out of 
existence. Surely such an illustration, surviving in a century when 
" sweet reasonableness " and universal toleration have made more rapid 
strides than in any that has preceded it, should nerve the will of every 
Christian man and woman to defend our Mission and our Missionaries, 
whose work alone can disinfect the land of the scimitar from its awful 
taint, and disintegrate by means of education the public opinion that 
prefers the harem to the home and the Koran of Mohammed to the New 
Testament of Christ. 

En route in the Southern States, 
January 15, 1896. 

FRANCES E. WILLARD. 



PREFACE. 



THE object of this book is not merely to set forth the 
situation in Turkey as it is to-day, but to trace the 
influences that have produced it. Those influences are very 
complex. They include the social characteristics of the peo- 
ples of Turkey, the religious beliefs and ecclesiastical customs 
that have grown up in the empire during the past centuries, 
the political ambitions and jealousies of the European Powers, 
and the personal qualities of the different men who have been 
prominent in the control of affairs. Probably no chapter in 
history is more kaleidoscopic in its character. To set forth 
its various phases, the topical rather than the strictly historical 
form has been adopted. The effort has been made to let 
each phase stand out as clearly as possible, first in itself, and 
then in its relation to the other phases. The contemporary 
historian is never logical. That remains for those who, with 
longer range, have a better perspective. 

The various histories of Turkey have been consulted, but 
special acknowledgment must be made to "Turkey Old and 
New," by Sutherland Menzies, which more than any other 
traces the development of the Eastern Question from the 
standpoint of the European Powers. "The Life of Lord 

(v) 



V l PREFACE. 

Stratford de Redcliffe," by Stanley Lane Poole, " Turkish Life 
in War Time," by Henry O. Dwight, and Dr. Cyrus Hamlin's 
books, " My Life and Times" and "Among the Turks," have 
been consulted with great advantage. It is a privilege not 
less than a duty to acknowledge the very efficient aid rendered 
by Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, Dr. Benjamin Labaree and Professor 
E. A. Grosvenor. Dr. Hamlin's vivid remembrance of the 
picturesque phases of Turkish diplomacy during the reigns 
of Mahmud II and Abd-ul-Medjid ; Dr. Labaree's scholarly 
as well as practical knowledge of branches of the Eastern 
Church which to most are little more than historic names ; 
Professor Grosvenor's intimate acquaintance with, and sym- 
pathetic appreciation of, the Greek life and character, have 
laid me under peculiar obligations to each. I must also 
express my thanks to those who from the very center of the 
conflict have given those sketches which describe so vividly 
the terror of the situation. Some of the letters appear for 
the first time on these pages ; others have been already given 
to the world in the columns of The Independent and the daily 
press. Their authors I know well and esteem most highly 
for their great ability and high character, which has been most 
nobly manifest during the trying scenes of the past year. As 
I write these lines word has come of the death of one and of 
the critical condition of another. They have been urged to 
leave their posts, but one and all they have refused, with the 
exception of a very few who, in their own physical weakness, 
have felt that they could not strengthen their associates. 
Turkey and Russia are banded together to force them to 
leave ; the former that they may not bear witness against the 
evil done ; the latter that they may not hinder the progress 



PREFACE. VH 

of that policy of repression already applied to Evangelical 
thought throughout her empire. 

What is in the future no man can tell, but the growth of 
pure religion in whatever form of church organization ; the 
development of freedom of thought; the attainment of civil 
liberty, and that not merely for Armenian, but for Greek, 
Nestorian, Jacobite, and even for the Turk himself, depends 
upon the continuance of the influences for a higher life that 
have been at work during the past sixty years, and that 
depends upon the missionaries being supported at their posts. 
Theirs is no sectarian work. They stand as the friends of 
Gregorian Armenians, Roman Catholic Chaldeans, Nestorians 
and Jacobites as well as of those in closer affiliation with the 
Protestant Churches of Europe and America. America 
should stand by them and demand their full protection. It is 
our right by treaty ; it is our right by the duty we owe 
humanity, by the duty we owe to our tradition as a liberty 
loving nation. We have no political ends to serve ; we want 
not a square foot of the Sultan's domains; but we stand, as 
we have always stood, for freedom for the oppressed, for the 
right of every man to worship his God in the light of his own 
conscience. 

Edwin Munsell Bliss. 

New York City, 
March 21st, 1896. 



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CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

The Turkish Empire. 

Geographical Extent — Topography — Physi cal Characteristics — Products— Traveling 
and Transportation — Building . l 9 

CHAPTER II. 

Population and Languages. 

Accurate Statements as to Population Impossible — No Census — Best Available 
Estimates — Distribution — Most of the Races Described in Other Chapters — Jews 
and Foreigners — General Characteristics — The Languages — How Distributed — 
Peculiarities of the Turkish — Number Spoken in the Seaboard Cities 37 

CHAPTER III. 

Religions. 

Islam and Christianity — A Few Pagan Communities — Origin of Mohammedanism 
—The Koran— The Traditions— Extent of Islam— Present Condition — Effect upon 
the Turks — Contact with Civilization— Sects — Oriental Christianity— Characteristics 5 1 

CHAPTER IV. 
The Turks. 

Their Origin — Early History — General Characteristics — Good Qualities — Kindness — 
Hospitality— Temperance — Honesty — Intellectual Ability — Obedience to Rulers — 
Bravery — Bad Characteristics — Indifference to Suffering — Brutality — Degradation 
of Women — Sensuality — Official Unreliability — Fatalism — Insolence — Indolence 

— General Summary 66 

(ix) 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER V. 

The Kurds. 

Legend of the Serpents — Connected with the Medes — Tribal Organization — Nomad 
Life — Saladin and the Crusaders — After the Russo-Turkish War — The Ham- 
idieh Cavalry — Brutal Treatment of Christians — Arabs — Circassians and Other 
Moslem Subjects — The Nusairiyeh — Yezidis and Druzes 85 

CHAPTER VI. 

The Armenians. 

Their Origin — Early History — First Nation to Accept Christianity — Dispersion 
Under Oppression — Change from Agricultural to Commercial People — General 
Characteristics; Loyalty to Nation and Religion — Industry — Morality — Intellectual 
Ability — Shrewdness — Jealousy of One Another — Influence of Missions and 
European Ideas — Growth of National Ambition — Armenians in Russia — 
Autonomy — Armenians in Other Countries — Patriarch Mattheos — Outlook for 
the Future 106 

CHAPTER VII. 
The Greeks. 

Fidelity of the Oriental Churches — The Apostle Andrew — Concessions by Mohammed 
II — Gennadios II — Suffering and Misery — Greek Revolution — Growth of National 
Spirit — Hellenes or Romaioi — Bulgarians in their Relation to the Greek Church. . 130 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Other Oriental Churches. 

The Syrian Church Divided into Syrians, Chaldeans, Nestorians, Jacobites, and 
some Roman Catholic Bodies — The Jacobites — Patriarch of Antioch — Condition 
of Villagers — Jebel Tur Region — Nestorians — Patriarch of Babylon — Badir 
Khan Bey — Chaldeans — The Copts of Egypt — Maronites and Druzes 145 

CHAPTER IX. 
Rise and Decline of Ottoman Power. 

Capture of Constantinople — Victories of Mohammed II — The Sultans Assume the 
Caliphate — Reign of Suleiman the Magnificent — Attack upon Venice — Constant 
Strife over the Danubian Principalities — Internal Disorganization — Weak Sultans 



CONTENTS. XI 

and Powerful Viziers — Alliances with Foreign Powers — Repeated Disasters — 
Weak Rule in Asia — Revolt in Egypt and Syria — Condition at Commencement 
of Present Century 164 

CHAPTER X. 

Turkey and Europe. 

First Intercourse — Alliance between Francis I and Suleiman the Magnificent — 
Intrigues between France and Austria — The First Treaty — Nature of Capitu- 
lations — Peculian Favors Granted to the French — Their Recognition as the Pro- 
tectors of Christians — Entrance of Other Powers — Louis XIV and His Ambas- 
sador — Influence of De Breves — Peace of Carlowitz — Turkey No Longer Dreaded 
in Europe 183 

CHAPTER XI. 

Russia and Turkey. 

Aggression of Peter the Great — Diminution and Renewal of French Influence — 
The Contest over the Holy Places — Victory of Russian Influence in Favor of the 
Greek Church — Russia's Religious Propaganda Among the Greeks — Rise of 
Phil-Hellenism — Dismemberment Talked of — Effect of the French Revolution — 
The Russian Fleet in the Dardanelles — The English Fleet at Constantinople — 
Peace of Tilsit — Plan for Partition — Accession of Mahmud II 195 

CHAPTER XII. 

Mahmud II. 

A Disintegrating Empire — An Energetic Sultan— Napoleon and Alexander — Lord 
Stratford de Redcliffe — Greek War for Independence — Russia's Perfidy — Destruc- 
tion of the Janissaries — Reforms Attempted — Mehemet Ali of Egypt — Accession 
of Abd-ul-Medjid 210 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Reform and Progress. 

Reign of Abd-ul-Medjid — Influence of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe — English 
Policy in Turkey — Hatti Sherif of Gulhane — A Remarkable Document — Equal 
Rights for All Subjects of the Sultan — Land Tax and Judicial Reform— General 
Situation of the Country — Application of the Reforms 225 



Xli CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Treaties of Paris and Berlin. 

Influence of Lord Stratford — The Holy Places— Crimean War— Treaty of Paris — 
Abd-ul-Aziz — Extravagance — Influx of Europeans — Provincial Government — 
Accession of Abd-ul-Hamid II — Russo-Turkish War — Treaty of San Stephano — 
Treaty of Berlin — Cyprus Convention 238 

CHAPTER XV. 

Condition of the Christians. 

The Christians under Early Moslem Rule — Mohammed II — General Oppression — 
Protection by French Government — Russian Intrigue — Power of the Greek 
Church — Reforms under Mahmud II and Abd-ul-Medjid — The Hatti Humayoun — 
General Improvement Throughout the Empire 259 

CHAPTER XVI. 

The Turkish Government. 

True Moslem State Theocratic — Dual Form of the Present Government — The Sub- 
lime Porte — Army and Navy — Internal Administration — Financial Management 
— General Corruption — Administration of Justice — Treatment of Christians — The 
Ulema— The Palace Party— The Sultan 280 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Protestant Missions in Turkey. 

Early History — Opposition of Ecclesiastics in the Oriental Churches — Attitude of the 
Turkish Government— Work Among Moslems — Development of Education — 
Societies at Work — The American Board — Presbyterian Boards — American and 
British Bible Societies — English Societies — General Statistics — Relations to the 
Turkish Government — Character of the Missionaries 3° 2 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

The Armenian Question. 

A Progressive Grand Vizier— Victory of the Reactionary Party— Egypt and the 
Mahdi — Rise of the Armenian Question — Russian Intrigue — Articles of the Berlin 



CONTENTS. X1U 

Treaty — Autonomy Desired — The Huntchagist Committee — Placards in Asia 
Minor — Burning of American Building at Marsovan — Numerous Arrests — 
Armenians Exiled — Coercive Measures of the Government — American Citizens 
— Threats — Huntchagists Disowned by the Nation — Young Turkey Party — Ab- 
solute Failure of the Huntchagist Movement 324 

CHAPTER XIX. 

General Situation in 1894. 

Terrible Oppression — Exaggerated Reports — Truth Stranger Than Fiction — Re- 
ligious Liberty Infringed Upon — Oppressive School Laws — Rigorous Censorship 
— General Effort of the Government to Suppress Christian Development 345 

CHAPTER XX. 

The Sassun Massacre. 

A Deliberate Plan of The Turkish Government — Kurdish Raids — Armenians 
Defend Themselves — Kurds Reinforced by Regular Troops — Terrible Scenes of 
Slaughter — Stories of Survivors 368 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Politics and Massacre at Constantinople. 

Investigation at Sassun — Mr. Gladstone on the Situation — Disturbances in Constanti- 
nople — Joint Notes by the Embassies — Plan of Reforms — New English 
Government — Massacre in Constantinople — Decisive Action of the Embassies — 
Signing of the Reforms — Subsequent Acts of Defiance — Breach Between 
England and Russia — Collapse of English Influence 384 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Massacres at Trebizond and Erzrum. 

Importance and General Prosperity of Both Cities — Threats by the Turks — Terror 
Among the Armenians — Suddenness of the Attacks — Murder and Pillage by 
Regular Soldiers, Under the Eye of Foreign Consuls — Ferocity of the Turks — 
Testimony of Eye-Witnesses — Terrible Scenes at the Burial of the Victims 406 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Massacres in Harput District. 

American Residences — First Indications — Specious Promises — Riot, Murder and 



XIV CONTENTS. 

Pillage — A Dangerous Journey — Attempts at Defense — List of Villages and 
Details of Massacres — Statement of a Turkish Official — Armenians not Respon- 
sible — Turkish Dread of Reform — Tabular Statement 427 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

AlNTAB, MARASH AND UrFA. 

The Situation in Northern Syria — No Revolutionary Movement — Massacre at 
Aintab — Kurdish Women — A Turkish Captain Helps the Pillage — A Colonel 
Checks it — Caring for the Wounded — Two Attacks at Marash — Destruction of 
American Houses — Brave Men in Zeitun — Story of Massacres at Urfa 447 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Character of the Massacres. 

Massacres at Sivas, Cesarea, Birejik, Bitlis, and the Region of Mardin — Protection by 
the Turkish Government for the Jacobites — General Survey — Place and Time of 
the Massacres — Victims Exclusively Armenians — Effort to Destroy the Strength 
of the Nation — Motive — Responsibility of the Turkish Government and of the 
Sultan „ 474 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

Religious Persecution. 

Motive of the Massacres — Primarily Political, then Religious — The Religious 
Element Overpowering the Political — Dread of Christian Domination — False State- 
ments by the Turkish Government — Instances of Persecution and Enforced Con- 
version to Islam — A Tremendous Moral Disaster — Efforts of the Government to 
Suppress Reports 482 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Relief Work. 

The General Situation — Absolute Destitution — Appeals to America and England — 
Work in the Sassun Region — Van and Dr. Kimball — Appeals Following the 
Greater Massacres — Clara Barton and the Red Cross — Opposition of the Turks — 
Letter from Van — After the Massacre in Harput — Suffering in the Villages — 
Appeal for Help ., 502 



CONTENTS. XV 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Partition of Turkey. 

Factors in the Problem — Turkey and Europe — Topography of the Country — Distri- 
bution of Population — Countries Interested — Russia, England, France, Austria, 
Italy, Germany, Greece, Bulgaria — Desire for Territorial Aggrandizement — Mutual 
Jealousies — Possible Solution — Turkish Factor Often Overlooked — Great Difficul- 
ties to be Met 528 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

America and Turkey. 

Early Treaties — Some Prominent Ambassadors — American Missionaries — Obedience 
to the Laws — Treaty Rights — Questions of Importance — Indemnity at Harput 
and Marash — More Consuls Needed — Naturalized Americans — Right of Domicile 
Threatened — Positive Action Needed — Duty of America 542 

CHAPTER XXX. 

General Survey. 

Statistics of Massacre and Pillage — Where Does the Responsibility Rest ? —The 
Turks; Fear, Ferocity, Outrage — The Armenians; Ambition, Lack of Preparation, 
Unwisdom of Huntchagists — The European Powers ; Jealousy, Ambition, 
Cowardice — The Sultan; Alliance with Reactionary Party, Difficult Position, 
Individual Care of Minutiae — Latest Development of Most Terrible Persecution. . 552 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE 

Patriarch of Constantinople .... Frontispiece. 

View of Mount Ararat . . . . . . . • l 7 

General View of the Gardens of Van . . . .18 

A Kurdish Encampment _ . -35 

Turkish Peasant Family . . 36 

The Hamadieh Mosque 53 

Turkish Dervish 54 

Turkish Peasant 7 1 

Group of Mountaineers 7 2 

Kurdish Sheik 89 

Group of Xeibecks 9° 

Armenian Woman 107 

An Evangelical Armenian Church 108 

Kurdish Mountain Village 125 

A Turkish Village Sheik 126 

The City of Brusa 143 

Land Walls of Constantinople 144 

Bridge of Boats Across the Lower Tigris . . . .161 
Village of Reed Huts in Lower Mesopotamia . . .162 

A Khan, or Caravansary 179 

A Dome Village in Northern Mesopotamia . . .180 

General View of Constantinople 197 

View of Adrianople 198 

(17) 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Group of Armenian Young Men 

The City of Marsovan in Asia Minor 

Sultan of Turkey .... 

Audience at the Palace . 

Robert College .... 

The Boys' High School in Smyrna . 

Circassian Officer in the Sultan's Army 

Slaughter of the Armenians at Sassun 

Gateway of the War Department at Constantinople 

The City of Trebizond .... 

The City of Harput in Eastern Turkey 

The City of Aintab 

The City of Gumushkhane 

View in the City of Tabriz . 

Council of the Government of Great 

the Armenian Question 
Square of the Atmeidan . 
British Flotilla .... 
Massacres of the Armenians . 
Looting in Stamboul 
Massacre in Stamboul 
Imprisoning Armenians 
Scene of Slaughter .... 
After the Slaughter 
Burying the Armenians . 



Britain Regarding 



PAGE 
251 
252 
269 
270 
287 
288 

305 
306 

359 
360 

377 
378 
395 
39 6 

413 
414 

43i 

449 
467 

485 

494 
510 
526 

543 



CHAPTER I. 

The Turkish Empire. 

Geographical Extent — Topography — Physical Characteristics — Products— Traveling and 

Transportation — Building. 

THE Turkish Empire at the beginning of 1896 included: 
in Europe, Albania, Macedonia, and the southeastern 
portion of the Balkan Peninsula ; in Asia, Asia Minor, Eastern 
Turkey or Kurdistan, Mesopotamia, Syria, and a compara- 
tively small section of Southern Arabia. In nominal subjec- 
tion was the large African province of Tripoli, while Egypt 
and Bulgaria were reckoned as tributary States. The total 
area may be estimated as follows : 

IMMEDIATE POSSESSIONS. 

Europe 63,850 square miles. 

Asia 729,170 " " 

Total 793,020 

Add Tripoli 398,873 " " 

Total 1,191,893 

TRIBUTARY STATES. 

Bulgaria -. . 37,860 " « 

Egypt 400,000 " " 

Island of Samos 210 " " 

Total 438,070 

Grand Total 1,629,963 

A better idea of the extent will be gained from the state- 
ment that the immediate possessions cover very nearly the 
same territory as the United States east of the Mississippi, 
while the addition of Tripoli carries the line to include Minne- 
2 19 



20 TOPOGRAPHY. 

sota and Louisiana, and the entire possessions correspond to 
the section east of a line drawn south from the western boun- 
dary of the Dakotas and cutting Texas in two. 

It is, however, by no means a compact country, as will 
readily be seen by the map, and the different sections are as 
unlike to as they are distant from each other. The difference 
between Albania and Mesopotamia, Asia Minor and Egypt, 
is scarcely less great than that between Maine and Honduras, 
Oregon and Cuba. This great diversity in topography carries 
with it corresponding diversity in the general characteristics of 
the people, and both must be kept in mind if the situation, po- 
litical and social, is to be understood. 

Topographically the general characteristics of the Turkish 
Empire, whether in Europe or Asia, are a great extent of 
coast line and a large amount of mountainous country. With 
the exception of the Mesopotamia plain, a portion of Northern 
Syria and the plateaus of Western Asia Minor, the whole 
Empire is distinctly mountainous. In European Turkey the 
mountains extend from Montenegro into Greece ; and until 
within a hundred miles of Constantinople, with the ex- 
ception of the valley of the Vardar, there is scarcely any plain 
at all. Asiatic Turkey may be divided into four sections : 
Asia Minor, Eastern Turkey, Syria and Mesopotamia. Asia 
Minor includes the country west of a line drawn north from 
the Gulf of Iskanderun to the Black Sea ; Eastern Turkey 
the remainder eastward to the Persian border ; Syria in- 
cludes the section south of the Taurus and east of the Mediter- 
ranean to the Euphrates ; and Mesopotamia covers the great 
valley between the Euphrates and Tigris and the section be- 
tween the Tigris and the Persian border as far south as the 
Persian Gulf, 



MOUNTAIN RANGES. 21 

From the very eastern end of the Black Sea along its 
southern coast, along the Sea of Marmora, the Aegean and 
the Mediterranean, extends a range of mountains, broken 
only by occasional passes ; while from the Mediterranean 
through to the Persian border a line almost as sharp as that 
of a seacoast separates the mountainous region known his- 
torically as Armenia, more lately as Kurdistan or Eastern 
Turkey, from the level of Mesopotamia. So also the Lebanon 
range, extending from this same point of departure, the Gulf 
of Iskanderun, separates the narrow coast line from the Sy- 
rian Desert and the Hauran. 

The coast has almost no harbors worthy of the name. 
Constantinople, with its Bosporus and Golden Horn, is famous ; 
Smyrna has a good harbor, but Trebizond, Samsun and In- 
eboli on the Black Sea ; Adalia, Mersine, Alexandretta, Beirut 
and Jaffa on the Mediterranean, are open roadsteads. In 
European Turkey there are fairly good harbors at Kayala 
and Salonica on the Aegean, but none on the coast of the 
Adriatic. The mountain ranges have very few passes. The 
most important ones in Asiatic Turkey are on the north from 
Trebizond to Erzrum, from Samsun south to Marsovan and 
Sivas, and from Ineboli to Kastamuni and Angora; and on 
the south from Mersine and Adana to Nidgeh and Cesarea, 
from Marash to Malatia and Harput, and from Diarbekir to 
Harput. On the east there are passes from Erzrum to Kars, 
from Van to Trebizond, from Mosul by Rowandiz to Lake 
Urumia, and from Bagdad to Hamadan. There are of course 
other roads, but they are so precipitous as to be most difficult of 
passage. The western section of Asia Minor is mountainous, 
without special ranges, and there are no passes of the same 
nature as those that cross the northern and southern ranges 



22 BEAUTIFUL SCENERY. 

of mountains. Still the country is very rough and there are 
only a few roads easy of travel. 

In such a country it is natural to expect that the scenery 
should be fine, and the expectation is not disappointed. Along 
the Tigris there are views unsurpassed, except perhaps among 
the high Alps or the Himalayas, for grandeur. As the river 
cuts its way between lofty precipices and catches glimpses 
through the valleys of snowclad summits, one gets an idea 
of the strange effect it must have had upon Xenophon and his 
ten thousand as they toiled along the path still easily traced 
on the east bank. The approach to the city of Rowandiz 
from Mosul and Arbela is through a gorge, where the road, 
which winds for 2000 feet up a precipice, furnishes views 
equal to any in Switzerland. The author, passing, here fired 
his gun expecting an echo, but was disappointed and was just 
starting on when from far down the canon there came a faint 
sound. Nearer and nearer it came, hurled back and forth 
from cliff to cliff", until the echo was almost deafening, and he 
was satisfied. 

A very different kind of scenery is that over the plains. 
The view from Mardin, bounded by the Sinjar Hills, nearly 
100 miles away, is one never to be forgotten. The great 
Mesopotamia plain lies at one's feet, like a gorgeous carpet 
of many colors, and the villages like children's playthings dot 
it with miniature pictures of life. So too the views over the 
Cesarea plain, from the slopes of the snowclad Argeus ; over 
the Harput plain, from the Deli Baba Pass near Erzrum, and 
from the summits back of Trebizond and Samsun, where the 
Black Sea first breaks on the view ; and most unique perhaps 
of all, that from the citadel of Van, with the gardens and lake 
in the foreground, and volcanic Sipan Dagh looming up in 



CARRIAGE ROADS. 23 

the background. Of all the mountains Ararat is certainly 
the most beautiful. From whatever direction it is seen its 
symmetrical sides and regular summit appear perfectly ap- 
proachable, yet so difficult is the ascent that to the people it 
seems almost as if God had forbidden its summit to be pro- 
faned. Very different from all these is the region near Brusa, 
with its Bithynian Olympus, its lake of Nicaea, and its vine- 
yards, reminding one of Southern France. In some future day 
when traveling is not only safe, but easy, searchers after the 
beautiful as well as the grand, will find Turkey a favorite 
field of travel. 

Over the plateaus of Asia Minor and the great Mesopo- 
tamia plain, passage is easy. Through the mountainous sec- 
tion of Eastern Turkey it is almost as difficult in any direc- 
tion as over the great ranges. The Romans had built cause- 
ways in every direction, but in the later Byzantine times, these 
had fallen into disuse, and the great pitfalls occasioned by the 
dropping out of huge blocks of stone made them almost im- 
passable. In a few instances, the Turkish Sultans made some 
efforts to repair these causeways, but they were seldom suc- 
cessful. The result was that everything was carried on horses, 
mules or camels, and such a thing as a cart or carriage was 
unknown. There have been various attempts on the part of 
the Turkish government to develop a system of carriage 
roads, especially within the past twenty years. Of these there 
were five specially important ones designed to connect Bagdad 
and Persia with the seacoast. One from Constantinople via 
Nicomedia, Angora, Sivas and Diarbekir to Mardin, Mosul 
and Bagdad ; one from Samsun on the Black Sea via Amasia 
connecting with the first at Sivas ; one from Smyrna via 
Konieh and Cesarea also connecting with the other at 



24 RAILROADS. 

Sivas ; one from Alexandretta via Aleppo and Urfa to 
Diarbekir on the north, and on the south via Nisibin 
to Mosul connecting with the others at Diarbekir 
and Mosul. On the north there was a road from Trebi- 
zond via Erzrum and Van into Persia. In Syria the only 
roads of importance are from Beirut and Khaifa to Damascus. 
At the present time there are scarcely any roads worthy of 
the name anywhere in the empire, except between Trebizond 
and Erzrum and between Beirut and Damascus. 

There are a few railroads. The first to be built was from 
Smyrna to Aidin. That was followed by one from Smyrna 
to Manisa, extended on to Alashehir ; then followed one from 
Constantinople to Nicomedia, since extended somewhat on 
the way to Angora ; one from Mersine to Adana, and one 
from the coast to Brusa. It was the plan for all these to con- 
verge into a great railway to Bagdad, but, like so many other 
enterprises, they have proved unsuccessful. In European 
Turkey, owing largely to the influence of Austria, there has 
been better success, and both Salonica and Constantinople are 
connected by rail with Vienna and Paris. 

The climate of the Turkish Empire is very varied. In 
European Turkey, Western Asia Minor and Northern East- 
ern Turkey it is temperate ; while Syria and Mesopotamia are 
almost torrid in their heat. Undoubtedly the lack of trees 
has much to do with the intense heat of the plains of North- 
ern Syria, and even of sections of Asia Minor. The rains have 
washed the soil off the hills and mountains in many places, 
leaving bare rock, the reflection from which is intense in 
summer, while in winter the cold is almost equally unendur- 
able. The snows throughout Eastern Turkey are very se- 
vere, rendering the roads almost impassable in winter, so that 



FERTILITY. 



25 



caravans are frequently detained for days and weeks, and 
sometimes goods on their way from Erzrum and Van into 
Persia are delayed for several months. In Western Asia 
Minor, there is comparatively little snow, but the winter season 
is one of rain, and the soil, being in the main clay, renders 
travel exceedingly difficult. In Syria the intense heat of the 
plain may be escaped by going to the higher slopes of 
Lebanon. Thus the inhabitants of Beirut have a pleasant 
resort within a few hours' ride. In Mesopotamia, however, 
this opportunity does not exist, and almost the only relief 
from the intense heat in Mosul and Bagdad, is found by tak- 
ing refuge in cellars. 

The whole empire is extraordinarily fertile. The great 
Mesopotamia plain will bear the richest harvests with even 
the rudest form of agriculture ; so also the plateaus of Asia 
Minor and the valleys of Macedonia. There is scarcely a 
level square mile in the whole empire that does not yield 
excellent returns for very little labor. Originally there were 
large forests. They have however almost entirely disap- 
peared, and the only sections of forest to-day are along the 
shores of the Black Sea, in the region of Bitlis and between 
Marash and the Gulf of Iskanderun. Elsewhere the country 
is desolate, and the traveler is often directed on his way by 
landmarks of single trees. Comparatively small portions of 
the empire are, however, under cultivation. There are wide 
extended pasturages for herds and flocks, but these do not by 
any means cover the entire land, and there are long stretches 
without a sign of cultivation and with scarcely an inhabitant. 

The products of the country are chiefly wheat, rice and 
barley. Cotton is raised somewhat in Northern Syria and in 
Asia Minor, and there are also large fields of poppies, the 



26 MINERAL WEALTH. 

opium trade being quite extensive. Tobacco is cultivated 
everywhere, and vegetables are much the same as ours, with 
the exception of the potato, which is almost unknown. The 
whole empire is rich in fruits of every kind, grapes, melons, 
figs, olives, peaches, pears, oranges, pomegranates and dates. 
All are of the best. The vineyards are extensive and in 
European Turkey and Western Asiatic Turkey considerable 
wine is made, which is largely exported to Europe and then 
re-exported bearing a French or Italian brand. Olive groves 
are especially abundant along the shores of the Mediterranean, 
and the fig orchards of Smyrna are well known. Dates are 
not found to any great degree outside of Egypt. 

The mineral wealth of Turkey is very great, but it is so 
thoroughly undeveloped as to make its estimate very difficult. 
Along the shores of the Black Sea and in some portions of 
the Taurus there is a great deal of coal, but it is not mined 
and the extent of the deposit is practically unknown. In 
Eastern Turkey there are important mines of copper, silver 
and iron. These are worked with very rude methods and 
with varying success, but the output is such as to indicate 
great wealth, still undeveloped. There are also in Western 
Asia Minor mines of baryta which have been worked to some 
extent. In European Turkey there is considerable iron, and 
probably considerable in the mountains of Western Turkey, 
but there are few if any mines. 

The domestic animals of the empire are horses, mules, don- 
keys, camels, sheep, buffaloes and dogs. There are also in 
certain sections wild boar, deer and other game, but to a 
limited extent. The horses vary from the fine Arab of the 
desert to the scrubby but enduring pony of Syria. The 
ordinary horse used in caravans is a rather small but powerful 



DOMESTIC ANIMALS. 2"J 

animal, sure-footed and easily adapting himself to the rough 
roads and rather poor fodder. The use of donkeys and mules 
is universal. The white donkey of Bagdad is almost as aris- 
tocratic an animal as the Arab horse. Camels have gradually 
disappeared from the North, but are found in the South, and 
are still occasionally sent out in caravans from Smyrna. The 
cows are poor, small and of little value, either for their milk 
or for use in farming. Agriculture is carrried on chiefly by 
the use of buffaloes. The animal to whose development 
most attention has been given, is undoubtedly the horse, and 
next to that the sheep. The Angora sheep and goats of 
Western Asia Minor are famous all over the world, and in 
general the quality of wool and of mutton is most excellent. 
The dogs are of many breeds, including fierce shepherd dogs 
and fine greyhounds, but the most common is the mongrel 
cur of the cities and towns. Fowls are to be found every 
where and in large quantities, and there are pigeons and 
partridges in abundance. 

The food of the people is chiefly the different preparations 
of wheat and rice, and in meats they eat little but mutton and 
fowl ; beef is considered by most as unfit for food. They also 
use a great deal of milk, chiefly of sheep or buffaloes. They 
are very fond of a preparation of fermented milk, not unlike 
curds, generally eaten in the semi-solid form, but sometimes 
mixed with water and made into a very refreshing drink. A 
certain modification of this has been introduced into this 
country and is widely known under the name of Madzoon. 
The cooking is in the main very tasty, although the common 
people, especially in the mountains and the southern plains, 
are content with a very meager diet. The traveller who 
understands the ways of the country can generally provide 



2 8 TRAVELING FACILITIES. 

himself well, but he must carry some form of provision with 
him. As is natural, the food to be found depends very largely 
upon the nature of the country. In the heart of the Kurdish 
or Taurus Mountains, there will often be little more than a 
coarse millet bread, and perhaps milk, to be had; while in the 
cities and large towns, as also on the great agricultural plains, 
almost anything can be secured, and a good cook will provide 
a meal that the most fastidious would heartily enjoy. The 
author has repeatedly enjoyed dinners that would do credit to 
a New York Hotel for delicacy and richness of flavor. 

Traveling and the carriage of merchandise is almost entirely 
by means of horses, mules and camels. The use of wagons 
has been introduced to a limited degree, but, except between 
Trebizond and Erzrum, it has not become general. This is 
chiefly in consequence of the poor roads, and the fact that 
even where there are stretches of good roads, they are so 
short as to necessitate a change when the journey is to be 
continued. For the mail and for travelers with little baggage, 
there is a system of relay traveling. Horses may be changed 
at stations from sixteen to thirty miles apart, and although 
seldom of the better sort, they can be kept at a slow trot or 
uncertain gallop, so that a speed of from four to six miles an 
hour can be maintained through the day. The ordinary dis- 
tance covered by a caravan, whether of travelers or of mer- 
chandise, is from twenty-five to thirty miles a day. A post 
rider will frequently, in Turkey, cover forty to fifty miles; and 
in Persia, where the same system is employed, but the roads 
and horses are better, seventy-five or eighty, even a hundred 
miles a day, are not infrequently covered. The mail carriers, 
or Tartars as they are called, ride day and night, stopping 
only for change of horses and refreshments. One result of 



MEASURING DISTANCES. ?9 

this general method of traveling- is that distances are measured 
by hours, not by miles, the hour varying somewhat in different 
parts of the country. In Asia Minor, where horses and mules 
are chiefly used, the hour is equivalent to from three to four 
miles, but in Syria and Mesopotamia, where camels are more 
common, the hour is seldom over three miles. Thus Erzrum 
is sixty hours from Trebizond — 180 miles; and Harput sixty 
hours from Sivas — 240 miles; but thirty hours from Marash 
to Alexandretta means no more than ninety miles. 

The country is very thoroughly covered with telegraph lines 
connecting the principal cities, and the postal arrangements 
supply both the cities and larger towns. Both are under the 
sole control of the government, although one of the lines of 
telegraph, from Constantinople to Bagdad, connecting with an 
extension to India, is owned by an English Company. Turkey 
being a member of the Postal Union, letters from any interior 
city can be forwarded to America at the regular rate, but the 
internal rates are very high. Under the administration of 
Abdul Aziz, and during the early part of the reign of Abdul 
Hamid, both departments were, on the whole, fairly well con- 
ducted, but of late years there has been no certainty of cor- 
rect transmission either of telegrams or letters, while papers 
frequently fail to reach their destination. 

In this connection a word should be said as to the means 
of business communication. Constantinople and the seaboard 
cities are fairly well supplied with banking facilities. The Im- 
perial Ottoman Bank has also a few branches in the interior, 
but for the most part the only method of transmitting funds 
has been by sending coin through the mails. In certain sec- 
tions, this has been very hazardous on account of the insecu- 
rity of the country, and as a result, internal trade has been 



30 CITY WALLS. 

greatly hampered. The establishment of the American mis- 
sions all over the land has served in this matter greatly to the 
advantage of trade. A system of drafts has been established 
by which the missionaries draw on their treasurer in Con- 
stantinople and these drafts are sold in the market, facilitat- 
ing exchange greatly. The missionaries, however, are very 
cautious, feeling that their position makes it unwise for them 
to share to any great extent in general trade. 

One thing that strikes the traveler in Turkey very forcibly 
is the very sharp lines drawn between the cities, towns and 
villages and the surrounding country. City walls have to a 
considerable extent disappeared, though they remain in some 
of the more ancient places, Diarbekir, Urfa, Erzrum, etc. 
Beyond the line of houses there are in some instances, 
notably the city of Van, large sections of cultivated land, 
garden, vineyard or wheat field. In other cases, as at Erzrum, 
the city seems set down in the plain with no sort of relation 
to the surrounding country. The same is true of the towns 
and villages. Some are so completely imbedded in the gardens, 
that they appear much larger than they really are, while 
others give no sign of their existence, except as the village 
dog barks his signal of unwelcome to the traveler. 

The general style of building varies with the section of 
country. Along the seaboard, or within easy reach of it, the 
general appearance of the houses reminds one of Europe. 
There is a frame of timber, with a wall of board or rough 
brick or stone covered with stucco. Red brick and dressed 
stone are also not uncommon. In the interior, however, the 
general style is that of the Mexican adobe. Sun-dried brick 
furnishes the chief material, sometimes whitewashed for more 
pretentious homes, government houses, churches or mosques, 



PECULIAR HOMES. 



31 



but generally retaining- the color of mother earth. In parts of 
Asia Minor where a soft sandstone abounds, there are brown- 
stone fronts, rivalling in style some to be found in our own cities. 
There is generally, however, some incongruity, made manifest 
in a wooden beam supporting a carved window, or an elegant 
doorway in the middle of an adobe wall. Diarbekir is famous 
for its basalt walls, giving both city and houses a most for- 
bidding aspect. On the Mesopotamia plain, especially toward 
the south, reed huts are numerous, while in Northern Syria 
the almost entire lack of timber has occasioned the building of 
huts domed with sun-dried brick, anticipating the principle of 
the Pantheon at Rome. In the mountains of Kurdistan the vil- 
lagers not infrequently burrow into the mountain side, and 
even on the plains of Asia Minor advantage is taken of roll- 
ing land to help in the making of the walls, and the traveler 
by night need not be surprised if his horse breaks through 
the roof of some unnoticed house. There are numerous in- 
stances, notably in Amasia and Urfa and along the Tigris, of 
villages cut into precipices of rock, while in other places the 
villagers burrow into the hills. In passing from Mardin to 
Urfa once, the author came, toward evening, to the foot of a 
hill, where the guide said he was to spend the night in an Arab 
village. He looked around, but saw no signs of life. The 
guide went to the summit of the hill, and shouted into what ap- 
peared a mere hole in the ground. A few minutes after a 
man appeared through what had seemed to be the entrance 
to a tomb, such as abounded in that region, and soon the 
whole party were descending through a passageway into a 
large room, used both as granary and living room by the 
villagers. 

Such descriptions might go on indefinitely, but this will be 



32 



STONE BUILDINGS. 



sufficient to indicate that throughout the empire the people 
have made the most of the resources at their command, for 
their permanent dwellings. Tent life is confined to the 
Bedouin Arabs and the summer wanderings of the Kurds 
over the plains of Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. It should 
be said, however, that within the past fifty years there has 
been considerable advance in the style of building, chiefly due 
undoubtedly to the influence of the missionary houses and 
the evangelical chapels, and to-day the general appearance 
throughout the entire country has greatly improved. 

The arrangement within the houses also varies with the 
section of country. In the interior cities and large towns, 
the ground floor is taken up with court, stable, kitchen, store- 
room and perhaps an audience room, the living rooms being 
chiefly on the second floor. In the villages, however, there 
are few houses with a second story, and often the family share 
the one living room with their animals. 

A word should be said as to the accommodation for travelers. 
This is chiefly in the form of khans or caravansaries, situated 
in the cities and on most of the caravan routes through the 
greater part of the empire, at intervals of about thirty miles. 
They are as a rule stone buildings, with a large open enclosure, 
surrounded by alcoves, closed or open, according to the climate. 
In the north, where the winter storms may be severe, there are 
stables frequently partly underground. The alcoves are for 
the travelers, the open space for their loads and the stables 
for the animals, but in case of severe weather the stable 
becomes also the refuge for the traveler, whether merchant, 
muleteer or official. In the large cities regular rent is charged, 
but in the country there is simply a keeper who receives a 
small fee for furnishing fuel and water, otherwise the place 



VILLAGE CLUB. 33 

being free for all comers. In some cases there is no keeper 
at all, the place being left to go to ruin. Most of these build- 
ings in the interior have been put up as acts of merit by- 
wealthy Turks, but with no regular income, and no one to be 
responsible for them, they have in many places fallen sadly 
into decay. 

In the villages and even many of the larger towns where 
there are no khans, the traveler is sent to what is known as 
the "guest room." A room, or in some instances, a house, is 
set apart both for travelers, and as a meeting place, a sort of 
club for the villagers. Here they meet in the evening to 
discuss the events of the day, much as Americans gather at 
the postoffice or corner store. Some one is designated to 
provide fire and coffee and the head of the village holds a 
sort of court or assembly. Here also the traveler is welcomed, 
indeed has a right, whether welcomed or not, to make his 
stay. The room as a rule is oblong, with a fireplace at the 
end, and has a slightly raised platform on either side. If the 
arrival be a foreigner or official, he immediately takes the 
place of honor on the right near the fireplace and all gather 
to show him courtesy. If an ordinary muleteer or peasant, he 
must be content with a place near the door. Here also there 
is no charge, the attendants being satisfied with what they 
receive for the supply of food, etc. In case the village is too 
poor to boast a guest room, the traveler must content himself 
with some private house or room, which he generally finds no 
difficulty in securing. It will be readily seen that the traveler 
in the interior must in the main provide his own furniture and 
provision, unless he is able to put up with the very simple fare 
of the villagers. Foreigners, and even natives of the better 



34 



SIMPLICITY OF LIVING. 



class, carry their own bedding, cooking utensils and, to a 
degree, their food. 

The furniture of the houses is very simple, even in the 
cities, and in the villages it is primitive to the last degree. 
Chairs, tables, upright bedsteads, knives and forks are pene- 
trating little by little even to the towns, but still the great 
majority of the people roll themselves in quilts for the night, 
sit on the floor around a platter for their meals and use little 
more than spoons. A few copper kettles serve for the cook- 
ing and goatskins for holding what little provisions they keep. 
A story is told of a mountaineer in Eastern Turkey, who 
went to visit some friends on the plain. When night came 
he was offered a quilt or comfortable and a wool pillow. He 
accepted them, though with rather rueful countenance, and 
laid down to sleep. Sleep, however, refused to come. 
Alarmed by his tossings his friends asked him if he were ill. 
No, perfectly well. But still he tossed on. Again they came 
to him to know what was the matter. At last he blurted out, 
"I cannot stand this quilt and pillow. Give me a piece of 
sacking to throw over my head and let me lie on the floor." 
Much against their will he insisted and they yielded, and he 
slept the sleep of his own mountain home. 




TURKISH PEASANT FAMILY, from the interior of Western Asia Minor. 
The family consists of the mother in the foreground, the son and his wife and their 
two children, son and daughter. An excellent illustration of the average Turkish 
peasantry of the somewhat better class, as found in the villages of Asia Minor 



CHAPTER II. 

Population and Languages. 

Accurate Statements as to Population Impossible — No Census — Best Available Estimates — 
Distribution — Most of the Races Described in Other Chapters — Jews and Foreigners — 
General Characteristics — The Languages — How Distributed — Peculiarities of the 
Turkish — Number Spoken in the Seaboard Cities. 

ANY accurate statement as to the population of the 
Turkish Empire it is impossible to make. There have 

been various attempts at a census, but they have 
amounted to little or nothing, as is illustrated by the fact that 
in every case the number of males far exceeds, sometimes by 
20 per cent, the number of females. The official returns like- 
wise are almost valueless. They are based chiefly upon tax 
returns and these are notoriously inaccurate. The taxes are 
collected by the farming system and based upon the returns 
from the heads of the different communities. There is thus 
on the one hand a strong temptation on the part of the com- 
munities to underestimate the number of taxpayers, and on 
the other hand a tendency on the part of the collectors to 
misstate, in order to give as much leeway as possible for 
filling their own pockets. Accordingly about the only basis 
for an estimate that can in any degree be relied upon is 
furnished by the statements of persons who have lived or 
traveled extensively throughout the empire, are acquainted 
with the manner of life of the people and have opportunities 

3 (37) 



38 DISTRIBUTION. 

for accurate information from the heads of the communities. 
On this basis a general estimate of the population for the 
entire empire, including tributary states, is about 30,000,000, 
divided as follows : 

Immediate Possessions. 

Europe 4,000,000 

Asia o 16,000,000 

20,000,000 
Africa, Tripoli 1,000,000 

Total 21,000,000 

Tributary States. 

Europe 3,000,000 

Africa, Egypt 6,800,000 

The Mediterranean 40,000 

Total 9,840,000 

Grand Total 30,840,000 

Leaving out of account the tributary states as practically 
outside of our purpose, we give here a brief general sur- 
vey of the distribution of this population, reserving more 
definite and particular statement for the account of each race. 

In European Turkey are Albanians, Greeks, Bulgarians 
and Turks. The Albanians are found on the borders of the 
Adriatic ; the Greeks on the northern border of Greece, along 
the shore of the Aegean and somewhat up the valley of the 
Vardar; the Bulgarians occupy the northern part of that 
valley and the mountains up to the very border of Bulgaria ; 
the Turks are principally found in the vicinity of Adrianople 
and Constantinople ; there are also Armenians in Adrianople 
and along the coast of the Marmora. The Greeks are the 
most numerous ; next to them probably come the Albanians 
and then the Bulgarians. Of Turks proper there are very 



ASIATIC TURKEY. 39 

few. For years there has been a constant emigration from 
European Turkey into Asiatic Turkey, many recognizing 
that the time was at hand when the Ottoman rule in Europe 
must end. The Albanians are Moslems. There is, also, in 
the mountains on the borders of Eastern Rumelia, a con- 
siderable population, Bulgarian by race and Moslem by 
religion, called Pomaks. 

Passing over into Asia, so far as the population is con- 
cerned, the country may be divided into three sections : Asia 
Minor and Eastern Turkey, Syria and Mesopotamia. In the 
first of these there are Turks, Kurds and a number of minor 
Moslem tribes, Circassians, Lazes, Xeibecks, Avshars, Tur- 
comans, etc. The Christian population is almost entire 
Armenian and Greek. The Turks are principally in Central 
and Western Asia Minor ; the Kurds are in Eastern Turkey, 
though extending somewhat along the mountain ranges; the 
Circassians are found scattered through Central and Western 
Asia Minor ; the Lazes are on the borders of the Caucasus ; the 
Xeibecks and others are tribes occupying the mountains in- 
land from Smyrna; Armenians are found over the whole of 
the territory, in almost equal proportions ; the Greeks chiefly 
along the coast of the Black Sea and the Mediterranean and 
in the western part of Asia Minor, though in Central Asia 
Minor there are a number of Greek villages. In Syria 
the population — something over 2,000,000 — is about 
equally divided between Moslems and Christians. The 
Moslems are in the main of the orthodox Sunni sect, but 
there are a number of Metawileh, and the Druzes and 
Bedouin Arabs are numerous. There are also about 
250,000 Nusairiyeh. The Christians are chiefly orthodox 
Greeks and Maronites ; there are some Armenians, Jacobites 



4© JEWS. 

and others. The Druzes and Bedouin Arabs are found 
chiefly in the Hauran east of the Lebanon ranges. In 
Mesopotamia, the population is chiefly Moslem and Arab, 
though there are a number of Yezidis in the region of Mosul. 
The Christian races are found in the mountains between the 
Tigris and the Persian border, and include Jacobites, Nes- 
torians and Chaldeans ; Armenians are also scattered through- 
out the whole region. 

Jews are found in large numbers in Constantinople, Smyrna 
and Salonica, and in smaller communities all over the land 
wherever there is trade. They are very largely Spanish in 
their origin, having fled to the Levant at the time of the per- 
secution by Ferdinand and Isabella. They include the 
wealthiest and the poorest of their class. Many of the 
bankers are Jews, and their hold upon the finances of the 
country is very strong. They also control certain branches 
of trade, are very largely money-changers, and to a degree 
artisans. They occupy certain definite quarters in the different 
cities, which have the appearance familiarly associated with 
the Ghetto of Venice. They have the same general charac- 
teristics as their fellows in other lands, are shrewd, keen bar- 
gainers, but frequently find more than their match in the 
Christians. They are looked down upon and despised by 
Turks and Christians alike except when their wealth makes 
them the arbiters of the financial fortunes of the empire and 
of individuals. Many of the wealthier class are men of high 
character, universally respected for their ability and holding 
a favored position in society. As to their numbers it is diffi- 
cult to give any figures. In Constantinople there may be 
75,000, and in the empire, aside from Palestine, perhaps 
1 50,000 to 200,000. 



FOREIGNERS. 4 1 

Almost all foreign countries are represented in Turkey. 
Those that furnish the largest number are probably Italy, 
Greece, France, Germany, Austria, England and Russia. 
Italians are numerous in the cities on the seaboard, in connec- 
tion with shipping interests. The French are merchants, 
bankers, and to a degree professional men, as also are the 
Germans. Austrian subjects are not to a great degree pure 
Austrians, but Hungarians, Bosnians, etc., interested in trade. 
The English colony has been at times a very large one. 
During the reign of Abd-ul-Aziz, English mechanics were 
brought into the country in large numbers, and the various 
departments of the navy, army and public works were managed 
almost entirely by them. At the present time their number 
has greatly diminished. They are still employed to a degree 
by the government as engineers, but their places are being 
taken by others. There are a number of English mercantile 
houses, but the Germans have outstripped them in the con- 
duct of trade with the interior, and the community is not as 
strong as it used to be. There is a large number of families 
of these various nationalities connected with the diplomatic 
circles, and Pera Society, as it is termed, is very largely com- 
posed of them, together with the bankers and the wealthiest 
merchants. 

The Americans resident in Turkey are almost entirely 
American missionaries. They number in all not far from 300 
adults, and are found in all the chief cities of the empire, 
their headquarters being in Constantinople and Beirut. Fuller 
statements as to their location will be found in the chapter on 
missions. There are other Americans, some merchants, a 
few professional men, chiefly physicians, and a few interested 
in one or another form of concession from the Turkish 



42 LEVANTINES. 

Government. The missionaries, however, form by far the 
bulk of the American community. 

Mention should also be made of a class peculiar to Turkey, 
known as Levantines. These are generally descendants of 
foreigners, English, French, or others who have settled in the 
seaboard cities, married women of the country and, while 
retaining their political connections with the country from 
which they originally came, have become thoroughly Oriental- 
ized in many respects, in their manners, customs and ideas. 
They are, as a rule, very capable, having all the shrewdness 
of the East, and are apt to be equally devoid of moral princi- 
ple. In fact the term Levantine has become in great degree 
a term of reproach, indicating a general lack of moral fiber. 
Many of them, however, are persons of high character and 
considerable influence. 

Each of these different races has its own particular and dis- 
tinctive characteristics, to be noted in connection with the 
specific description of each race. There are, however, certain 
general statements to be made which come in place here. 
The first thing to be noted is the marked unity, or perhaps 
better, similarity between the different races. Notwithstand- 
ing diversity of origin and language, it is by no means easy 
for the uninitiated to draw the lines of distinction. This is 
due partly to the fact of the general mingling of the races, 
partly to the fact that dress and general habits of life are 
regulated more by climate and physical conditions, than by 
any arbitrary rule of government or society. In the first 
place there is comparatively little pure blood except among 
the Christians. In certain sections, notably the region of 
Asia Minor, formerly occupied by the Seljuk domain, the 
Turks are exceptionally pure-blooded, but on the seaboard 



MOSLEMS PREDOMINANT. 43 

there is a large admixture of blood of other races. The in- 
troduction of Georgian, Circassian and even Armenian and 
Greek women into the harems of the Turkish nobles has had 
a perceptible effect. So also the general fact that the Turk 
is the dominant race has made large numbers of others of 
entirely distinct racial origin ambitious to take the name of 
Turk. Thus in Eastern Turkey, especially in the cities of 
Erzrum, Bitlis, Van and Diarbekir, there is comparatively 
little of pure Turkish blood, the great majority of those pass- 
ing under that name being of Kurdish origin. The same 
thing is found elsewhere in Northern Syria, and to a degree 
in European Turkey. It must also be remembered that large 
numbers of Moslems called by various racial names are orig- 
inally of Christian blood. In the early conquest of the land 
many villages and even communities accepted Islam under 
the pressure of the sword and because of weak faith in their 
own religion, due chiefly to the ignorance enforced by ec- 
clesiastics. Thus in the mountains of Southern and Eastern 
Turkey there are whole communities known now as Kurdish 
which were originally of the same blood and the same charac- 
teristics as their neighbors now called Jacobites. Again in 
European Turkey there is comparatively little difference be- 
tween the Moslem Albanian and the Greek Mountaineer of 
the same section. The Moslem Pomak of the Rhodope Moun- 
tains on the southern borders of Eastern Rumelia can with 
difficulty be distinguished from the Bulgarians, where they 
are engaged in similar pursuits and occupy similar territory. 
In Syria and Mesopotamia it is scarcely possible to draw 
racial distinctions. The line between Moslem and Christian 
in Aleppo, Mosul, Bagdad or Beirut is practically impercept- 
ible except as occasional difference of dress or bearing is ob- 



44 EASILY GOVERNED. 

served. As we have said, almost the only peoples who have 
kept their nationality clearly distinct are the Armenians, 
Greeks, and there may be added the Bulgarians. Yet as was 
inevitable, these have been to a considerable degree affected ; 
so that while the population of the Turkish Empire is thor- 
oughly heterogeneous, there is to the chance traveler com- 
paratively little distinction to be made between the men of the 
different races. Among the women the different conception 
of womanhood makes a very marked distinction, and on the 
street certainly even the most casual observer finds little dif- 
ficulty in distinguishing between Moslem and Christian. 

One general characteristic of the populations of the 
Turkish Empire is that they are easily governed. This does 
not mean that they are lacking in bravery, but the effect of 
the centuries has been to impress upon them the necessity of 
submission to whatever law is dominant in the empire. The 
Kurds are in the main thorough cowards. With the excep- 
tion of those in the South they are always amenable to a 
strong hand and a very slight show of real force on the part 
of any government is sufficient to secure their obedience. 
Travelers are usually able to control them even in the wildest 
sections. It has been repeatedly said that a very small body 
of European troops with mountain artillery could pass from 
one end of Turkey to the other, even in times of general 
anarchy, and meet with very little opposition. This as a gene- 
ral statement is true. At the same time, organized resistance 
on the part of the Turkish Government with its regular army, 
would present an opposition which the strongest of European 
armies might hestitate to meet. Among the Christians there 
has been no organization against the Turkish Government, 
with the exception of two small sections. The mountain 



LANGUAGES. 45 

Nestorians are practically independent on the Persian border ; 
nominally they pay a certain tribute ; sometimes they pay, 
sometimes they do not. The Armenians of Zeitun have 
been from time immemorial practically independent. About 
20 years ago they submitted to the Turkish rule on certain 
conditions, which were accepted by the Turkish Government. 
Their recent revolt and the persistency with which they held 
out against the Turkish troops manifest the character of the 
people. Undoubtedly they were assisted in great degree by 
the topography of the country, but that was by no means 
the strongest feature of their resistance. Aside from these 
two sections the Christians have been the prey of the Turkish 
Government and have never organized in opposition to it. 
The reasons for this will be apparent in the chapters relating 
to the general history of the empire and the condition of the 
Christians. 

The languages of Turkey are Turkish, Kurdish, Arabic, 
Syriac and Bulgarian. The Turkish is the official language 
of the entire empire and is used to a greater or less extent 
everywhere except in the remote villages of Kurdistan, 
Mesopotamia and Syria and throughout Arabia. Arabic is 
spoken everywhere south of the Taurus Mountains, with the 
exception of a few cities in the vicinity of Aintab and Marash. 
Kurdish is used in the mountains of Eastern Turkey and to 
a limited extent in the mountainous sections of Asia Minor. 
Armenian is spoken over the entire empire wherever there 
are Armenians. Greek is used along the borders of the 
Black Sea, the Archipelago and the Mediterranean and to a 
very limited degree inland. Syriac is used among the 
Nestorians and Jacobites, chiefly the former, in the mountains 
of Eastern Turkey. The use of Bulgarian is confined to 



46 CHARACTERISTICS. 

Bulgaria, Eastern Rumelia and Macedonia. Constantinople 
itself is a babel, all the different Oriental and many of the 
European languages being found there in everyday use. 

Turkish is spoken by the Turks and Circassians and the 
various Moslem tribes, also to a considerable degree by 
the Kurds, Armenians and Greeks and by government 
officials everywhere. Certain sections of the Armenians, 
especially those in Central Asia Minor, from Sivas west to 
Angora and Cesarea, and those south of the Taurus in the 
vicinity of Marash and Aintab, have in years past used 
Turkish almost entirely, preserving their ancestral language 
only in the church services. The same is true of the Greeks in 
Central Asia Minor. Arabic is used by Moslems and Chris- 
tians alike in the sections where it is the vernacular. Kur- 
dish is spoken both by Moslems and Christians. Bulgarian 
is used solely by Bulgarians. All of these languages vary 
somewhat in their characteristics, according to the section 
where they are used and the class of people by which they 
are spoken. Thus the Arabic of the plains and of Egypt is 
much milder in its form than that found in the mountains. 
The same thing is true of the Turkish and the Armenian of 
Bitlis, and the people of that section are almost unintelligible to 
those farther west. The Greek of the Turkish Empire is also 
quite different in many respects from that of Greece proper. 

The Arabic and Greek lana-uag-es are so well known as not 
to need any particular description. They are essentially the 
same as they always have been and are well known in litera- 
ture. The Arabic is one of the richest of all the Oriental 
languages in its literature. The character is difficult to learn 
and the construction is so involved that comparatively few 
foreigners become masters of it. It is said of Dr. Van 



TURKISH. 



47 



Dyck, the eminent missionary at Beirut, that he could speak 
Arabic so well as to deceive even the Arabs themselves, and 
on one occasion it is reported that this very facility in the use 
of the languages operated to create a prejudice that really at 
one time endangered his life, because they could not under- 
stand how any man who could speak Arabic as well as that 
could be a foreigner and claim the protection which he 
demanded. 

The Turkish language is peculiar in many respects. Orig- 
inally a Tartar dialect, it has many of the characteristics of the 
Saxon. It is terse and strong in its form of expression, and 
to a considerable degree monosyllabic. The Turks, however, 
passing through Persia, came very much under the influence 
of that language and felt the softening influences of it. The 
Persian, as spoken by the Persians, is smooth and flowing, 
liquid as any of the Pacific Island languages, and even more 
so than the Italian. The way in which an educated Persian 
uses his own language is unsurpassed for delicacy of expres- 
sion or sound. Passing from Persia and accepting the Koran, 
the Turks came under the influence of the Arabic language, 
and the Turkish of to-day is the result of the commingling of 
the three elements. As a consequence it is an exceedingly 
rich language. As it is ordinarily spoken it is not at all diffi- 
cult to learn, but to use it in literature correctly and with the 
appropriate adaptation of the forms derived from the Arabic 
and Persian, requires an amount of study and skill such as 
comparatively few have been able to bring to it. The charac- 
ter used is the Arabic, which, however, is not entirely adapted 
to the simpler Tartar forms, and as a result there is more or 
less of reduplication of letters. While the letterine of the 
three languages, Turkish, Arabic, and Persian, is the same, 



48 ARMENIAN. 

each language has its own distinct form, so that a book printed 
in the type favored by the Turks will not be acceptable either 
to the Persians or the Arabs, and the same is true of the 
others. The tendency of education with Turkish, as with 
Arabic, is to soften the gutterals, of which there are several 
harsh ones, and Turkish as spoken in Constantinople by the 
educated is a smooth and flowing language. 

The Armenian is naturally a harsh language, the strong 
gutterals, aspirates and sibilants affecting it materially. Here 
too is noticed the marked effect of education, and the Armenian 
spoken in the western part of Asia Minor is very mild com- 
pared with that along the mountains and even on the eastern 
plains. The Armenians of the Caucasus and Northern Persia 
use a form of Armenian which is somewhat distinct from that 
used by those in Turkey. The basis of all is the ancient 
Armenian, which has a very simple and direct construction, 
not unlike the English. A sentence in the old Armenian 
version of the Scriptures reads word for word almost the 
same as the corresponding sentence in the English version. 
The modern language as used by the Armenians of Turkey 
has been to a considerable degree affected by contact with 
Turkish and has degenerated in that respect. For some 
years there has been a tendency to revert to the more ancient 
form, and the teachers in the Armenian schools everywhere 
have exerted all the influence possible in that line. The result 
is manifest in their literature. The version of the Bible pre- 
pared by Elias Riggs, D. D., of the American Board, represents 
the best of what is known as modern Armenian of a quarter 
of a century ago. But of late years there has been felt the 
necessity of a revision to accord more closely to the type of 
the ancient language. This tendency is in the line of sim- 



FOREIGN LANGUAGES. 49 

plicity. On the other hand, among the Greeks, while there is 
an increasing desire for the ancient Greek, which is quite dis- 
tinct from the modern, an increasing familiarity with it does 
not appear to be as much of an approach to the ancient con- 
struction in the ordinary conversation as is the case in the 
Armenian. 

The Bulgarian language is not unlike the Russian, both in 
its character and general construction, and belongs to the 
general Slav family. 

The Kurdish language is entirely unique, though some 
Kurdish scholars have claimed that it was parallel to the old 
Persian. It is a rough language, and yet has certain musical 
qualities, and its poetry and songs are like those of so many 
mountain sections, exceedingly full of sentiment. Even the 
wildest of the men seem to come under its influence most 
powerfully. 

In Constantinople and along the seaboard foreign languages 
are used to a considerable degree. The diplomatic language 
is French almost entirely. There is a considerable amount 
of Italian used in the seaports, and not a little German. The 
State papers for communication between the ambassadors in 
the Sublime Porte are entirely in French, though decrees of 
the government, of course, are written in Turkish. This 
mingling of languages has necessitated the employment of 
interpreters, and a large number of people, not merely con- 
nected with the embassies, but in various departments of 
business, are employed to transfer from one language to 
another such documents as may be necessary. The use of 
English is widely extended. The study of English in the 
different schools of the American missionaries and also in 
other schools has operated very largely to increase the use, 



50 CONSTANTINOPLE. 

and English commerce has extended to a marked degree. 
This latter, however, has yielded in some respects to German, 
so that the German language is known and spoken more and 
more. As a rule, Armenians in the cities all speak Armenian 
and Turkish. Armenian merchants almost invariably add to 
this French, and in not a few instances Greek. In fact no one 
can do business successfully in the seaports without the 
knowledge of Turkish, French and Greek. Smyrna is almost 
entirely a Greek city, and even the Armenians use the lan- 
guage to a great degree. The Greeks, however, seldom, if 
ever, learn Armenian. 

In traveling, a knowledge of Turkish will carry one with 
ease over the whole empire, except in Syria and Mesopotamia 
and a few sections of Kurdistan. Even there, however, 
some one may usually be found who has enough knowl- 
edge of the Turkish for ordinary use. On the seaboard, 
Greek will be of advantage, but is by no means necessary. 
All large business houses have some one who can converse 
in any one of the languages of the country or of Europe. 
One effect of this is that accurate use of any one language 
is hindered. At a dinner table in Constantinople it will fre- 
quently be the case that the conversation will turn from one 
language to another, and Turkish, French, Greek, German, 
Italian or English may be used. When such a condition 
exists there will be a general conversational use of all, but 
accurate scholarly use of any one is rare. In the schools, 
Turkish, French and English are the most generally taught, 
instruction in the other languages being chiefly confined to 
those who use them as their own vernacular. 



CHAPTER III. 

RELIGIONS. 

Islam and Christianity — A few Pagan Communities — Origin of Mohammedanism — The 
Koran — The Traditions — Extent of Islam — Present Condition — Effect upon the Turks — 
Contact with Civilization — Sects — Oriental Christianity — Characteristics. 

THE religions of Turkey are in general two — Moham- 
medanism and Christianity. The semi-pagan forms of 
faith held by the Nusairiyeh, Yezidis and Druzes are spoken 
of In another chapter in connection with an account of those 
races. This is not the place for a scientific statement of the 
general subject of Mohammedanism. The purpose of this 
volume is to set forth the situation of the Turkish Empire as 
it is, and we have to deal with Mohammedanism not as a 
theory or a doctrine, but as a fact. At the same time some 
understanding of the doctrine is essential in order to realize 
how potent a factor it is in the present situation. 

Mohammedanism is primarily a historical religion, based 
upon the fundamental idea of the absolute unity of God and 
the recognition by God of Mohammed as his latest and most 
approved prophet. Without entering into the question of 
the sanity or insanity of Mohammed himself, it is sufficient to 
say that this Arab imbibed with his earliest teachings the 
doctrine which was held by the Jews, and a few in Arabia, of 
the power of the Deity. Apparently the teachings of the 

(SO 



52 



MOHAMMED. 



Hebrews had left their trace upon him, and his mind dwel- 
ling upon the precepts of Moses and comparing them with 
what he saw of the Christians, developed within him a 
hostility to any form of what seemed to him idolatry, such as 
he found existent everywhere. Among the pagan tribes 
there were said to have been 365 images of the gods, who 
were looked upon as the children of Allah, the creator of all, 
whose wife was Al-hat, and the Meccans looked upon their 
local deities as the daughters of this idol. Idols were found 
in every house and formed an important article of manufac- 
ture. Religion was a sort of barter, and festivals and pil- 
grimages made up a large part of religious life and worship. 
At the same time the form of Christianity was of the most 
inferior type. The doctrine of the Trinity was practically a 
sort of tritheism in which the three persons were God the 
Father, God the Son and the Virgin Mary. To Mohammed 
there seemed little difference between the two and both 
appeared to him the very lowest forms of religious faith, and 
he was stirred with an earnest desire to know more. This, 
according to the idea of the time, he thought to accomplish 
by a hermit life and would spend days in a lonely cave. 
While here it is probable that epileptic fits would come upon 
him and there would be what he considered ecstatic reveries 
in which revelations appeared to him. The story of the 
fierce persecution which he suffered at the hands of his tribe 
is a most interesting portion of history. From the time of 
his fleeing from Mecca to Medina, in 622, which marks the 
era of Mohammedanism, his advance was rapid. In eight 
years at the head of 10,000 men he entered Mecca in triumph. 
He only lived two years longer, but he had laid the founda- 
tion for a religious power of marvelous vigor and extent. 





THE HAMIDIEH MOSQUE, located close by the Sultan's palace, at 
Yildiz, to which he goes every Friday for service. Informer times it was the custom 
of the Sultan to attend service on Friday in different mosques of the city, but Abdul 
Hammed II. has confined his attention to this mosque, chiefly from fear of assassi- 
nation in the public streets of the city. 




TURKISH DERVISH. The dervishes correspond in the Moslem com- 
munities to the special orders in the Roman Catholic Church. There are different 
classes, itinerant and local. This is one of the better class of local dervishes. They 
are feared hy the people rather than respected, and are usually men of ability and 
considerable force ; fanatical in the extreme and bitter haters of all Christians. 



THE KORAN. 55 

As to his character, those who have studied him most say 
that there can be no doubt of his sincerity and his conduct 
was in the main beyond reproach. He believed himself to 
be a divinely appointed messenger for the overturning of 
idolatry, and for years endured the hostility and taunts of his 
people with apparently no further motive than their reforma- 
tion. At a later time other characteristics appeared of a 
much lower grade. Wealth and glory mingled with his 
reform ideas. Cruelty, greed and the grossest sensuality 
were not merely allowed but encouraged by his teachings, 
and the most successful portion of his life, so far as his public 
career was concerned, made it appear that he was a thor- 
oughly self-deceived man. 

The Koran is a volume divided into 114 chapters or suras, 
made up in a volume not quite as large as the New Testa- 
ment. It constitutes the revelation proclaimed by him as 
received during the latter portion of his life. These were 
originally written on all sorts of material, "bits of stone, 
leather and thigh-bones," but had their strongest hold in the 
retentive memory of the Arabs, which assists their marvelous 
power of story-telling. These were gathered together after 
his death, in the caliphate of Othman, and the edition then 
prepared has been the standard edition for the Moslem world 
ever since. It is written in the Meccan dialect and held to be 
the absolute standard of the Arabic language, so beautiful 
that its very style is proof of its divine origin. The doctrine 
of the Koran is thoroughly simple. The fundamental teach- 
ings are the unity of God, the final judgment and absolute 
submission to his will or "Islam." The confession of faith 
is simply, " There is no God but God, and Mohammed is his 
prophet." The general belief includes belief in God, angels, 



56 THE BIBLE. 

the Scriptures, the resurrection and day of judgment, God's 
absolute decree and predestination of both good and evil. 
In practice it requires prayers, alms, fasting and the pilgrim- 
age to Mecca. In its relation to Christianity the Koran 
thoroughly recognizes the Scriptures, both of the Old and 
New Testaments, and the prophets, from Abraham to Jesus, 
are acknowledged as divinely sent and of authority only less 
than Mohammed himself. The result of this is that a thor- 
oughly orthodox Mohammedan, well grounded in his own 
faith, will always accept the authority of the Bible, merely 
claiming that wherever that comes in contact with the Koran 
the Koran supersedes it as being a later revelation. A 
Kurdish Sheik with whom the author spent a Sunday in the 
city of Rowandiz, said, " Why do not the great Bible societies 
of England and America print the Koran and the Bible 
together ? Both are revelations from God ; the only difference 
is, that the Koran being later is more authoritative. Print them 
both together and then we shall have the complete revela- 
tion." This fact explains in great degree the position of the 
Turkish Government with regard to the Scriptures. So long 
as they thought that there was no danger of the Christians' 
Bible superseding the Koran they were entirely willing that 
it should be printed. It was only when they learned that the 
teaching of the Bible was antagonistic to the Koran that they 
made every effort to hinder its publication and circulation ; 
and in the whole contest the strongest argument and the one 
which they could not answer was that based upon the absolute 
recognition of the Bible by the Koran and the teachings of 
Mohammed. 

Secondary to the Koran in form yet practically overpower- 
ing it are the traditions : the " unread revelations," the " unin- 



NUMBER OF MOHAMMEDANS. 



57 



spired record of inspired sayings." They refer " not only to 
what Mohammed said and did, but what he allowed others to 
say unrebuked." As was inevitable, the mass of these tradi- 
tions is very great and their influence is proportionate. Any 
statement of Mohammedanism based upon the Koran alone 
is sure to be misleading. That together with the traditions 
must be understood in order to gain a clear and accurate con- 
ception of what the religion is. It is due to this fact that Mo- 
hammedanism has adapted itself with such marked success to 
the most varying conditions. It is as powerful in Central 
Asia as in Central Africa. It appeals to the educated Moslem 
of North India and to the ignorant and brutal Kurd. It num- 
bers among its votaries men of every grade of intellectual 
ability. This is illustrated by the statement as to the extent 
to which the religion has spread over the world. Any accu- 
rate estimate is simply impossible owing to the fact that in 
Moslem regions there is no such thing as a complete census 
known. The Eizcyclopcedia of Missions presents the following 
table derived from the Statesman's year-book published in 
1890: 

Europe. 

Rumania 2,000 

Bul § aria 668,173 

Servia 14,569 

Bosnia and Herzegovina « g2 ~ lQ 

Montenegro lo ' }OQ0 

Greece 24,000 

Turkey in Europe 2,000,000 

Russia in Europe 2,600,000 

Total for Europe 5,811,452" 

Asia. 

Turkey in Asia (including Arabia) 22,000,000 

Persia '.'. 7,'56o!6oo 

Bokhara 2,500,000 



5$ EFFECT OF THE RELIGION. 

Russia in Caucasus 2,000,000 

Khiva 700,000 

Russia in Central Asia 3,000,000 

Siberia 61,000 

Afghanistan , 4,000,000 

India . .. 50,121,595 

Ce y lon 197,775 

Beluchistan 500,000 

China , 30,000,000 

Australasia 15,000,000 

Total for Asia , 137,640,970 

Africa. 

Egypt 6,000,000 

Zanzibar. . 200,000 

Morocco 5,000,000 

Tripoli 1,000,000 

Tunis 1,500,000 

Algeria 3,000,000 

Bornu (Lake Tsad) 5,000,000 

Wadai 2,600,000 

Baghirmi 1,500,000 

Egyptian Soudan 10,400,000 

Sokoto and Feudatory States 14,000,000 

Sahara and scattered 10,000,000 

Total for Africa 60,200,000 

Total for Europe 5,811,452 

Total for Asia 137,640,970 

Total for Africa 60,200,000 

Total Moslems 203,652,422 

What is the effect of Mohammedanism upon the Moslems 
of the Turkish Empire? What relation does it bear to the 
situation in Turkey to-day ? These are questions not alto- 
gether easy to answer definitely and conclusively. A general 
idea is gathered from references made all through this volume. 
The situation maybe briefly summarized as follows : Moham- 
medanism is on trial ; it finds itself face to face with the 
aggressive power of a reformed Christianity; it no longer 



REVIVAL. 



59 

has to meet the effete systems of the middle ages, weakened 
by purely doctrinal discussions that spread among the Chris- 
tian Churches for centuries. It comes in contact thus with a 
truer spiritual life, and finds that it has suffered itself in its 
conceptions the same decadence that Christianity had suf- 
fered when it started. The belief in the unity of God is 
degenerating into pure and simple fanaticism ; predestina- 
tion to good has disappeared, and in place of it comes pre- 
destination to evil. The better characteristics of the Moslem 
influence have disappeared, and it is only the worst elements 
that come to the surface to-day. True there is an element 
in the Moslem Church that realizes, in a degree at least, this 
fact and is making strenuous efforts to reinstate the spiritual 
power to which the system has owed a large part of its aggres- 
sive strength, but it is doing it and has done it by means 
utterly subversive of the very ends it seeks to accomplish. 
From time to time there go forth fetvahs from the Moslem 
priests commanding the faithful to attend the mosque service, 
forbidding the faithful to indulge in certain things forbidden 
by the Moslem laws. But such edicts accomplish absolutely 
nothing. There is still to a certain degree the practice of the 
old asceticism. Any one who will attend a meeting of the 
Board of Censors in Constantinople will realize the truth of 
this as he looks upon the hard-visaged Tartars from Central 
Asia, whose fanaticism is manifest in every line of the counte- 
nance. But with them their religion has ceased to have any 
spiritual power. It has become nothing more than a form of 
doctrine identified with aggression and despotism. Eternal 
punishments take the place of eternal rewards and threats 
overpower promises. This manifests itself in two ways : first, 
in the tremendous pressure brought to bear upon the govern- 



60 YOUNG TURKEY. 

ment to restore the austerities of the Moslem faith, and second, 
in the manifestation of the sternest Moslem arrogance in 

o 

the treatment of the Christians. Scarcely at any time in 
Turkish history has that arrogance been more prominent in 
certain sections and among certain classes. The scorn and 
contempt manifest for the infidel ; the utter disregard for the 
most common rights of humanity ; the assumption that Chris- 
tians exist purely and simply for the benefit of Mohammedans ; 
that rapine, murder and outrage are not criminal, but are 
absolutely legitimate ; that Christian property has no rights 
that Moslems are bound to respect; all these characteristics 
are apparent to-day as they have not been at any time during 
the past century. 

It is impossible for races such as the Moslem races of the 
Turkish Empire to come into contact with the results of a 
Christian civilization without realizing and acknowledging to 
a considerable degree the advantages of that civilization. 
These, recognizing the fact that Islam has adapted itself to 
very varying communities and circumstances, claim that it has 
still that power and that there is no reason why the highest 
results of European progress may not be appropriated by the 
Moslems. These men form the basis of what is known as 
the Young Turkey party. They call for a constitution; they 
demand railroads and telegraphs, electric lighting, free press, 
widespread literature, freedom of thought and worship ; they 
refuse to allow that attendance upon mosque service is the 
test of loyalty to their government. The strife between these 
two forces is one of the most interesting and significant facts 
in Mohammedanism to-day. What the result will be time 
only will show. One more thing should be said. The exclu- 
sive power of the Moslem faith has never been manifested 



MORAL CHARACTER. 6 1 

more forcibly than it is now. No form of Christianity has 
affected it to any appreciable extent. The reasons for this 
will be recognized by any who have followed with care the 
developments of the past centurie 

They are to be found (i) in the dominating political power 
of the religion, and (2) in the fact that as yet to only a limited 
degree has there been any general perception of a truer 
spiritual power. This last has affected some, but the great 
mass are utterly untouched. Should the political break-up 
of the empire come, then there are many indications that the 
ecclesiastical power will weaken and with it the force of the 
faith. Many Turks have spoken of this in private, not daring 
to set it forth in public. 

The great characteristic of Mohammedanism which is most 
manifest in the dealings of Moslems with each other and 
with the world at large, is the fact that it recognizes no moral 
obligation of any kind. Sin is merely transgression of 
statute ; falsehood, deception, robbery, murder, have no 
moral quality whatever. They are entirely legitimate when 
used for the furtherance of the Moslem State and even for 
the furtherance of individual advantage. Undoubtedly there 
are individual Moslems everywhere who have a strong moral 
sense, but the great mass of the Moslem community is 
utterly ignorant of what evangelical Christians understand by 
the sense of sin. Mistakes are to be atoned for by punishment, 
penance or remission of penalty ; forgiveness in the Christian 
sense of the term is almost absolutely unknown. Hence 
arises one of the fundamental difficulties in dealings between 
Turkey and Christian nations. The Christian Governments 
unquestionably are bad enough in this respect, but the 
Moslem Government is far worse. It is a fundamental 



6 2 SECTS. 

element in the Moslem creed that " no faith is to be kept with 
an infidel." This has been carried out throughout the whole 
of Turkish history and will continue to be carried out until 
the Moslem system is overcome. 

A word should be said with regard to the different sects of 
Mohammedanism. Mohammed himself is reported to have 
said that the children of Israel were divided into 72 sects, 
and his people would be divided into 73. A Moslem writer 
says that there are 1 50 sects in Islam, but the infinite shades 
between them make them practically innumerable. The two 
great divisions of the Moslem world are Sunnites and Shiites. 
The first follow the first three caliphs after Mohammed ; the 
latter regard these as illegitimate and commence with the 
caliphate of Ali, the prophet's nephew. The former embrace 
by far the larger part of the Moslem world. The latter are 
chiefly confined to Persia, though they are represented in a 
considerable degree in Turkey, especially by some tribes of 
Kurds. The Shiites believe that the last Imam is still alive and 
will appear as the Mahdi (director), after which the judgment 
day will follow. Some of them even go so far as to give Ali 
divine honors, holding him to be greater than Mohammed. 
They are as a rule far more deceitful than the Sunnites, and 
observe certain fasts denied by the orthodox. The Sunnites 
are divided into four great sects and these again into a num- 
ber of smaller ones. One, the most important, includes in 
greater part the Moslems of Turkey, Central Asia and 
Northern India ; the second those of Southern India and 
Egypt ; the third those of Morocco, Barbary and Northern 
Africa generally ; the fourth those of Eastern Arabia and 
some parts of Central Africa. 

Sikhism is a strange mixture of Hinduism and Mohamme- 



APOSTASY. 63 

danism in Northern India. In Persia there are two great 
sects of considerable power : the Sufis and the followers of 
Bab. These, however, have no relation especially to Turkey. 
In Arabia, there is a sect, the Wahhabees, which was at one 
time very powerful and in the early part of the present 
century occasioned the Turkish Government considerable 
trouble. The most prominent development of Mohamme- 
danism of late years has been the rise of the Mahdi, in the 
Sudan. To describe this at length is beyond our limits. It 
arose in the dissatisfaction with the caliphate of the Turkish 
Sultan, and the belief that the sheik who called himself the 
Mahdi was in reality the one who was to lead Islam in its 
final victory over the world. 

In its relations to Christianity Islam allows absolutely no 
apostasy. The death penalty is still existent in Persia, and 
while nominally forbidden in Turkey, it is at least exile and 
often death for any Turk to accept Christianity. 

The different forms of Christianity are spoken of in con- 
nection with the different races. A few statements, however, 
should be made in regard to them in general. The charac- 
teristics manifested by all the different Oriental churches are 
essentially the same ; a strict formalism in doctrinal belief 
and in worship, a very general lack of spiritual life and an 
intense devotion to the national idea as identified with church 
life. It is to this very largely that is due the racial unity 
of the different classes, and while there has always been 
through the centuries a great deal of true devotion to 
Christian faith, it is unquestionably the fact that the national 
strife that centered about propositions or the most abstruse 
facts of philosophical theology, seems in many respects impos- 
sible to those of different race and different education. The 



64 CHRISTIAN SECTS. 

same characteristics, however, that existed then exist to-day 
in considerable measure, and this must be remembered in 
all consideration of the situation of Christians and the de- 
velopment of Christian communities in the empire. 

It must be remembered also that the rivalries first oc- 
casioned by these theological differences and afterwards de- 
veloped by the peculiar system of government adopted by 
the Sultans, has done very much to intensify the peculiar- 
ities of each of these sects. They are bitterly opposed one 
to the other. Armenians will have nothing to do with 
Greeks, and Greeks are bitterly opposed to the Armenians ; 
Gregorian Armenians hate those of their own race connected 
with the Roman Catholic Church, and the Greeks despise 
the Bulgarians, although another branch of their own gen- 
eral faith ; Nestorians, Chaldeans, Jacobites, all strive against 
each other. The position of the Protestants is somewhat 
peculiar. At first they were looked upon merely as one ad- 
ditional sect developing an additional nation, and to that ex- 
tent detracting from the power of those from whom they 
sprung, and they were hated by all. Of late years, however, 
it has become evident that they are no less national in their 
feeling than those who have remained in the old churches, 
and they have been recognized more and more as parts of 
the same nations. It is hoped by many that, as Evangeli- 
cal ideas spread in all the different communions, there will re- 
sult a drawing together, not necessarily a unifying of forms 
of worship or statements of doctrinal belief, but a sympathy 
which shall make them support one another rather than 
work against each other. 

One thing more should be said. The general effect of re- 
ligious instruction throughout the Levant has been to divorce 



Faith and life. 65 

the profession of faith from any control of life. The idea 
that moral conduct was involved in the profession of a creed 
seems to have disappeared from a good many lives, and the 
Greek brigand will say his prayers and then start on his pil- 
laging expedition ; the Armenian merchant will attend service 
and then go forth to get the better of his opponent in trade 
without the slightest regard to the use of truth in his deal- 
ings. The same thing appears in the Moslem, the most out- 
rageous persecutions and terrible cruelties having been 
carried on under the very lead of the Moslem Church and 
as a matter of faith. 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Turks. 

Their Origin — Early History — General Characteristics — Good Qualities — Kindness — 
Hospitality — Temperance — Honesty — Intellectual Ability — Obedience to Rulers — 
Bravery — Bad Characteristics — Indifference to Suffering — Brutality — Degradation of 
Women— Sensuality — Official Unreliability — Fatalism — Insolence — Indolence — General 
Summary. 

THE term Turk is a somewhat indefinite one. In general 
it applies to any or all of the different tribes originat- 
ing east of the Caspian, and who have spread in 
varying degrees north, south and west. Without undertaking 
to give specific definition, it is sufficient to apply the name to 
the greater part of the Turanian race, and for present pur- 
poses to limit it to those branches that have at various times 
occupied what is known as the Turkish Empire. 

According to a legend, the common ancestor of all was a 
mighty king by the name of Turk, who lived in the time of 
Abraham. A descendant of his, called Oghuz Khan, had six 
sons, whom he sent one day to the chase. Returning, they 
brought him a bow and arrows which they had found. The 
bow was given to the three eldest and the three arrows to the 
younger. The latter each took one, but the first three divided 
the bow among them, receiving thereby the name Bosuk, The 
Breakers. They were intrusted with the care of the right 

(66) 



TOGRUL BEY. 6j 

wing of his army, while to the three youngest, called Utschok, 
The Three Arrows, was given the care of the left wing. 
These younger ones extended their rule eastward toward 
China and were the ancestors of the Mongols. The others 
roamed westward. One became the founder of the Turko- 
mans, another of the Seljuks and the third of the Ottomans 
or Osmanlis. This, however, is chiefly legend. What is 
clearer history is the fact that varying tribes, with some evi- 
dent connection with the Mongols of Eastern Asia, spread 
westward through Russia and Persia, and encamped upon the 
plains of Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. Their first incur- 
sions were about the fifth and sixth centuries, at the very time 
when both Caliphate and Byzantine Empire were showing the 
weakness of effeminacy. At first their progress was, through 
lack of any organization and unity, of little moment. They 
furnished the mercenaries for the Caliphs, and while occasion- 
ally governing one section or another, held their power in 
very uncertain hands. 

The first chieftain to accomplish anything like permanent 
rule was Togrul Bey, the grandson of Seljuk, an Ameer of 
Turkestan, who wrested one country after another from its 
princes and reigned from Bokhara to Syria, from the vicinity 
of the Indus to the Black Sea. He bequeathed his vast 
empire to the famous Alp Arslan, who crossed the Euphrates, 
conquered Armenia and Georgia, and came up to the very 
borders of the already shrunken Byzantine Empire. Its 
emperor sought to check the advance of the chieftain, but 
was defeated, captured, and only received his liberty as a 
special favor of his conqueror. He, however, granted it not 
so much from any considerations of humanity, as because he 
realized that, brave and intrepid as his horsemen were, they 



68 MALEK SHAH. 

were no match in the long run for the disciplined legions of 
what was to him a new world. As so often is the case, the 
adventurous rush westward left his ancestral region exposed 
to enemies. On his return to reinstate himself in Bokhara, 
Alp Arslan was killed, and his son, Malek Shah, came to the 
throne. His reign, 1072-1092, was the golden era of the 
Seljuk dynasty. His empire extended from the Caspian to 
the Mediterranean, from Khorassan to the Bosporus. The 
Fatimite Caliphs of Egypt were practically under his power, 
and from his capital at Konieh (Iconium) he governed the 
whole of his vast domains. The Seljuk ruler was not merely 
a conqueror. Whether under the influence of the Caliphs 
or not, he interested himself in education, founded schools, 
and it was during his region that many of the most beautiful 
specimens of what is mistakenly called Saracenic architecture 
were erected throughout Central Asia Minor. The graceful 
mosques and arches, sometimes highly adorned, mostly now 
fallen into ruin, are all that is left of a strange incursion of 
the wild Tartars into civilization. 

Malek Shah left little or nothing of his own ability to his 
three sons, who disputed among themselves and divided the 
empire : one holding Persia and laying the foundation for the 
present Kajar dynasty; another occupying Northern Syria, 
while the third retained the ancestral capital at Konieh. This 
division not merely made them subject to incursions from 
abroad, but to revolutions from the chieftains who nominally 
gave them allegiance. The first to take advantage of their 
weakness were the Mongols, who, under Zinghis Khan, either 
overbore the weak Seljuks entirely or held them in subordina- 
tion, though still allowing them the title of Sultan. The 
Mongols, however, had no staying power, and gave place in 



ERTHOGRUL. 69 

their turn to still another incursion. A tribe of Turks swept 
away by the Mongol invasion had found their way from 
Khorassan to the region west of Ararat, where they camped 
about the headquarters of the Euphrates. They found this, 
however, not exactly to their mind, and longing for their 
ancient home, set out to return to it. Their chief, however, 
was drowned in attempting to cross the Euphrates, and the 
result was a division of the troops. The two oldest sons 
held on their way to Khorassan ; the younger two, with about 
400 families, wandered back and forth in true nomad style 
from plain to mountain. One, Erthogrul, came out upon a 
plain of Cappadocia and found, according to the story, two 
armies in conflict. True to the mountain instinct, unfortu- 
nately lost in later years, he joined the weaker company, and 
with his fresh warriors won for them the victory. Later con- 
sultation revealed to him the fact that his late ally was the 
Sultan of the Seljuks, seeking to defend his much-diminished 
kingdom against one of his periodical foes. The new 
arrivals, fresh from their mountain life, unweakened by the 
experiences of the plain, formed a valuable reinforcement. 
They joined heartily with those they had helped, recognized 
loyally their chief, and assisted him to regain his power over 
the various tribes around, and also to make some headway 
against the Greeks. In course of time a closer alliance was 
brought about and the son of Erthogrul, Ottoman, Osman, 
or Othman, by persistent courtship and a convenient dream, 
won the daughter of an Arab chief, and Malkatoun be- 
came the mother of Orchan. 

Erthogrul lived to an advanced age, but little by little trans- 
ferred the care of his kingdom to Othman, who, on the 
death of his benefactor, became the recognized head of the 



JO ORCHAN. 

nation. This was in the latter part of the thirteenth century. 
His reign, and that of Orchan, were occupied chiefly in con- 
solidating their power, developing the general character of 
the people, introducing the best military arrangements known 
at that day, and in extending their empire. One by one they 
drew under their leadership the various Turkish tribes, and 
advanced nearer and nearer to Constantinople, until they made 
Brusa their capital. It was here that both father and son are 
buried, and their tombs are objects of great reverence among 
the Turks to the present day. 

It is probable that the influence of these two men largely 
controlled the development of Turkish character. That char- 
acter is often greatly misunderstood. It is by no means as 
thoroughly barbaric as many suppose. It is impossible that a 
nation that could develop such power, could not merely extend 
its boundaries, but maintain them, subdue nation after nation, 
and keep them in subjection, hold its own for centuries against 
the hostility of Europe, and withstand the disintegrating 
influences that have been at work during the past century, 
should not have much of vitality in its nature. Whatever of 
weakness at the head, there must have been, and there must 
still be, soundness of body. That this is true is testified to, 
not merely by travelers, of whatever nationality, but by the 
very people who are quoted as saying, " There is no good 
Turk but a dead Turk." The fact is, that in order to estimate 
accurately the character of the Turkish native, we must go 
not to the official circles, but to the private houses, whether 
in the cities or the country, but most of all in the country. 

The ordinary Turkish peasant, and many a townsman, is a 
man very simple in his tastes. His food is plain but whole- 
some, his dress is unassuming, his house most primitively fur- 




TURKISH PEASANT. They are ordinarily quiet, kindly men, fairly 
industrious, but not aggressive. It is only when stirred by fanatical appeals that 
they come to be dreaded. They almost all wear charms, and the cord about the 
neck is fastened to one such. The turban is a simple roll of dark cloth about a felt 
cap. 




GROUP OF MOUNTAINEERS FROM CENTRAL ASIA MINOR. 
These are not as fierce, although fully as brave as the Xeibecks. They form a 
considerable element in what are known as the Bashi-Bozouks, or irregular troops 
of the Turkish army. They are pure-blooded Turks, stalwart, powerful men. 



POLYGAMY. 



73 



nished. He is kindly in his bearing ; intensely fond of his 
children, frequently so of his wife ; a great admirer of the 
beauties of nature, generally contriving to have some flowers 
within reach. He is social, but in rather a sober way, in this 
respect quite different from the Armenians, who are far more 
buoyant, and from the Greeks, whose entertainments are fre- 
quently boisterous. He is thoroughly hospitable, entertaining 
with a free hand. To the unfortunate, especially the blind, the 
crippled, the demented, he is very kind, not only never lifting a 
finger against them, but helping them when he can. So also 
with animals, he is careful and generally considerate. 

In his private life the Turkish peasant is temperate. Not 
as temperate as he is supposed to be, but still temperate. As 
a rule he is a monogamist. Polygamy is comparatively rare, 
chiefly because of the expense. The facility and widespread 
use of divorce, however, accomplishes much the same thing. 
Any Turk can put away his wife at any time, and take another, 
and in the towns this privilege is used constantly, nor is there 
any disgrace involved. There are, however, multitudes of 
instances where husband and wife are true to each other 
through a long life. The statement is frequently made that 
the social evil is unknown. This is not true. In the cities, 
and wherever there are garrisons, there is prostitution, though 
not to the same extent as in Europe. Sodomy is far more 
common. In the main, however, the common Turk of the 
provinces will compare very favorably with the peasant of 
other lands, and one proof is found in the unimpaired vio-or 
of his physical constitution. He is ordinarily a robust, well- 
formed, powerful man. 

In his relations with the subject races of the empire, the Turk 

never forgets that he is the lord of the land. This is intensi- 
5 



74 THE FOREIGNER. 

fied by the fact that he occupies himself chiefly with the care 
of the land, herds and flocks, which he considers the only real 
property. Trade he has little taste for, and as little facility in 
it. Banking-, too, is entirely alien to his habits. These pur- 
suits he looks upon as implying endless trickery and decep- 
tion, and accordingly he looks upon them with contempt, for, 
except under the influence of the West, he is in general truth- 
ful, honest and reliable. This contempt is usually mingled 
with somewhat of dread, for he is no match for the very peo- 
ple he despises, whom yet he finds so essential to his comfort 
and general welfare. The result is, that for the most part he 
lives on good terms with his neighbors of whatever race or 
creed. In ordinary times he will be seen on friendly, even 
intimate, relations with them, and, although the distinction is 
always clear, it is yet frequently overlooked. Villages, 
Christian and Turkish, on the same plain, will ordinarily be at 
peace, and in the towns and cities there is seldom any indica-- 
tion of the line that separates one quarter from another. 
Even in the massacres of the past year, there have been many 
instances where they have given protection to hunted Christian 
refugees. 

So far as the foreigner is concerned, he is to the average 
Turk more of a curiosity than anything else, a kind of being 
with whom, or with which, he has very little to do. He has a 
dim conception of the existence of some strange countries far 
remote from his own, where people dress in a most uncom- 
fortable way, eat strange things, and altogether lead a life 
which has not the slightest attraction for himself. There are 
men, even in interior villages, who have a much more accurate 
idea of Europe, and who have even heard of America, but 



THE PREVAILING IDEAS. 75 

the following incident, which is a true one, will apply to the 
greater part of the Turks of the provinces. 

A foreigner who was traveling in Northern Syria came to 
a village on the Euphrates, and entered into conversation 
with his host, a part of which was as follows : 

Host. What is the latest news ? 

Foreigner. Have you heard that the Russian Emperor is 
dead ? 

Host. No ! When did he die ? 

Foreigner. Two or three weeks ago. 

Host. Is there a new king yet ? (Notice change in title.) 

Foreigner. Why, yes, even though not formally crowned, 
the new Emperor became Emperor the moment his father died. 

Host. Who is the new kina? 

Foreigner. The son of the one dead. In Europe the 
crown goes from father to child, not to the oldest male of the 
blood royal as in the Turkish Empire. 

Host. Has the new king come to Constantinople yet? 

Foreigner . What for ? 

Host. Why, to get our Emperor's permission to put on 
his crown ; he cannot put it on without our Emperor's per- 
mission. 

Foreigner. I think that has not been the custom of late 
years. 

Host. Why, certainly it has. None of the kings of 
Europe can be crowned without our Emperor's permission. 
Is not that so ? (this to a Moslem who had just come in). 

Visitor. Why, yes. They are all vassals of our Emperor. 

Host. I wonder if our Emperor will not insist that the 
new Russian king pledge himself to abstain from war two 
years, before letting him put on his crown ? 



7 6 



INTELLECUTAL ABILITY. 



Visitor. Probably he will. 

The intellectual ability of the Turk is good. When it is 
remembered that there is almost no education of any kind 
throughout the country ; that what little there is, is confined to 
the priests ; that there is little reading and almost no oppor- 
tunity for development, the facts apparent on every hand 
indicate no mean order of talent. The records of attainment 
in government schools and elsewhere show that Turkish 
young men are fully the equals of any. In many respects 
the conduct of the government is of a very good order, and 
the history of Turkish diplomacy is certainly on a par with 
that of any court of Europe. They have not the keenness 
of the Armenians or of the Greeks, but have good minds, 
and, where circumstances give the opportunity, they show 
ability to think for themselves. In the official class this is 
particularly noticeable, and the educated Turk of Constanti- 
nople stands fully abreast of his compeer in the cities of 
Europe. An American, traveling in a railroad train from 
Adrianople to Constantinople, got into conversation with a 
Turkish army officer. He found the officer well posted in 
many lines of investigation and even well read in the Turkish 
version of the Bible. It is an interesting and significant fact 
that large editions of that version, in the form specially 
adapted to Turks, have been sold throughout the empire, 
and that they are constantly read and studied, has been 
repeatedly affirmed by the Turks themselves. A nation that 
can produce such men as Fuad, Midhat, and Ali Pashas, and 
not a few of those prominent in later years, and that shows 
such interest in a daily press, cannot be considered of mediocre 
intellectual ability. 

From the standpoint of a despotic government the Turk 



UNWAVERING OBEDIENCE. JJ 

makes an almost ideal subject. He is absolutely obedient to 
those whom he regards as constituted authorities, even where 
treated by them with the most outrageous oppression and 
injustice, as is repeatedly the case under the Sultan's rule. 
He seldom if ever complains, and when he does it is with 
bated breath, as if there could be no criticism of his 
superiors. Whatever of wrong there may be, is laid at the 
door, not of the authorities, but of some outside and to him 
unknown influences which compel this action under which he 
suffers. Or it may be that he looks upon it as just punish- 
ment from God for some crime against his law. But of this 
later on. As a soldier he takes rank with the very best in 
the world. His naturally fine physique and strong constitu- 
tion and simple manner of life give him great endurance, and 
his unwavering obedience, which, however, is by no means 
stolid, as is that of the Russian, makes him the reliance of 
his officers, while his education in his religion from childhood 
makes him reckless even to the point of despising death. 
The record of Turkish wars throughout the centuries has 
been one that any nation might well be proud of, so far as 
achievements of its soldiers are concerned ; and no one who 
watched the veterans as they returned from Plevna and from 
Shipka could fail to understand how it was that Russia had 
to buy her way into the fortifications. 

There is, however, another side to Turkish character, 
illustrated by many facts along the lines already mentioned. 
The treatment of the insane whose detention becomes neces- 
sary, and who have none to provide for them, is brutal in the 
extreme. In times of famine or of c-eneral distress the Turk 
will do little or nothing to relieve even his own people, and 
when an animal becomes sick or helpless, it is left to a 



78 FRIGHTFUL CRUELTY. 

miserable end. It is no uncommon siorit on the caravan 
roads to see camels, horses or mules, that have fallen by the 
way left to die, while the vultures gather and commence their 
work even before life is extinct. The stories of the past 
year of torture, murder and outrage, seem to belong to a race 
of demons rather than of human beings. It is true that for 
much of this the Kurds are responsible, as in the Bulgarian 
massacres it was largely the Pomaks who were guilty of the 
worst excesses, but still it is true that the Turks themselves, 
soldiers and peasants, committed deeds of the most frightful 
enormity. The ripping up of pregnant women to decide a 
wager as to the sex of the unborn child, the wholesale out- 
raging of women and girls, not to speak of the torturing of 
men, and even little children, in the most inhuman fashion, 
indicate a fiendish barbarism that seems absolutely incom- 
patible with the kindness and hospitality to which so many 
bear witness. Yet it is simple truth that, were the facts to be 
detailed in all their horror, the chronicle would disgust the 
world. A portion of it has been set forth in such articles as 
those by E. J. Dillon, in the Contemporary Review ; by Frede- 
rick D. Greene, in " The Armenian Crisis in Turkey," and a. 
few, comparatively very few, instances will be found in later 
chapters of this book. They need not be repeated here. It 
is sufficient to say that there is not a case given for which 
there is not abundant proof. 

So also in private life there are aspects of even the best 
of the Turkish people that can call forth only condemnation. 
Most noticeable, perhaps, is the condition of women, which is 
in the main thoroughly degraded. From her birth she is 
looked upon as a menial and an unfortunate. This is illus- 
trated by the great amount of infanticide, especially if the 



BRUTAL SENSUALISM. 79 

child be a girl ; by the haggard, ugly countenances of the old 
women, so different in that respect from the Armenians ; 
the piercing shrillness of their voices, from which every tone 
of tenderness seems to have gone ; the very general vulgarity 
of conversation and of thought, always attendant upon a 
condition of society where the woman must rely upon satisfy- 
ing the passions rather than the heart of her husband. As 
already stated, there are exceptions, but in the main the con- 
dition of the Turkish women is very low. This condition 
reacts upon the men and makes them vulgar and sensual in 
the extreme. The everyday language of the average Turk 
would shock the lowest of the slum boys in our own cities. 
Under ordinary circumstances sensualism is kept measurably 
in check by the inevitable restraints of community life, but 
once let those be broken and lust reigns supreme, dominating 
everything. As a gentleman who* knows them well and 
never hesitates to recognize their good qualities, "has said, 
" In a Turk's eye all that a woman has is sex, and for it he 
lusts with absolute brutality." 

Similar characteristics appear in his relations with others. 
While ordinarily peaceable and desirous of living on good 
terms with his neighbors of other creeds or races, and thus 
generally truthful, honest and hospitable, he will on occasion 
show the reverse of all these characteristics, and it is not 
infrequently the case that travelers find it impossible to 
understand how any one can possibly speak of the race with 
other than contempt for its utter disregard of the most 
ordinary amenities of life. The explanation is undoubtedly 
partly to be found in their religious training, but there is 
ingrained in the Turkish character an element of dishonesty 
and of disregard for truth. This uncertainty appears some- 



80 THE TURKISH COURT. 

what in their relations to their own government. Loyal as 
they are, it has not infrequently been true that they, far more 
than the Christian subjects, furnish the most anxiety, and if 
now the inmost thoughts of the Sultan could be learned, it is 
most probable that he fears the Softas far more than the 
Armenians. 

Next, perhaps, to the condition of woman, the weaker or 
the worst side of Turkish character is manifest in the official 
class. The Turks themselves have a proverb that "The 
Turk is a decent man until he becomes an official, and then 
he becomes a scamp," and this is borne out in the greater part 
of the intercourse between that class and the rest of the 
world. Probably no court in history can give so marked an 
illustration of the decadence of all moral power as the 
Turkish court. There have been noble men, men of pre- 
eminent ability and sterling character, but they have been 
very rare, and the average official, whether in civil, military 
or naval service, is absolutely unreliable. He will make 
promises that he never intends to keep and that he 
knows he cannot keep. He will accept bribes unblushingly 
and will deal with all whom he comes in contact on the 
general principle that he is the smartest man who can get the 
most and give the least ; a sycophant to his superiors, a bully 
to his inferiors. His whole life is a constant strife with every 
one with whom he has any relations whatever. The very 
atmosphere in which he lives seems to breathe dishonesty 
and fasehood, and the ability he shows is prostituted to the 
very basest ends. Yet here again, as in almost every other 
statement, exceptions must be made. No one who has had 
dealings with the departments of the government has failed 
to find many instances of courtesy and consideration. With 



TURKISH CHARACTER. 



all the outrage and injustice perpetrated by the provincial 
governors, there have been many instances of not merely 
justice, but kindness, in their dealing with all classes of 
people. When, however, every possible exception is noted, 
it remains true that the official life from the highest to the 
lowest is thoroughly demoralized. 

The one dominant element in the Turkish character, how- 
ever, the one which controls and modifies all the others, is 
his religion. This is no place for a general description of 
Mohammedanism. Some reference has already been made 
to it in a preceding chapter. Here we have only to note its 
effect upon the Turkish character. That effect is both ad- 
vantageous and disadvantageous. The grandeur of its 
monotheism fills his soul and holds him in absolute subjec- 
tion to that idea. One result of this is that the natural 
simplicity of the race is strengthened rather than weakened." 
Another effect of it is seen in his general self-control and 
temperance. The Turk is by no means as temperate a man 
as many suppose him to be ; yet what temperance he has is 
due primarily to the precepts of his religion. So also he is 
as a rule self-contained, not from stolidity, but from principle. 
He is above all things else a pure and simple fatalist, 
acknowledging God's absolute control over him and claiming 
that whatever is, is right. It is immaterial to him what 
happens to him. Thus, on the field of battle he absolutely 
refuses to recognize danger, and in private life, when sick- 
ness overtakes him, he will frequently make no effort for re- 
covery. The following incident illustrates, better than any 
lengthy description can, the power of this influence. 

In the various scourges of cholera that have swept over 
many parts of the empire, the Turk has been the most 



82 INFLUENCES FOR EVIL. 

difficult patient to treat. In the dread time in Constantinople 
in 1865, when the deaths numbered not less than a thousand 
a day, a gentleman on his errand of mercy and of healing 
met in the street a young man, who implored him to come 
into a room near by and save, if he could, his father. The 
room was entered, and there, upon a single quilt upon the 
floor, lay a Turk, old in years, but not in strength, of magnifi- 
cent physique and apparently of perfect health until attacked 
by the plague. The disease had secured so thorough a hold 
of him that he seemed to be marked for death. As the 
medicine was produced he absolutely refused to take it, 
saying, "If it is God's will that I should die, I shall die, and 
your medicine will do no good. If it is His will that I shall 
recover, I shall recover, and your medicine will be of no use." 
Scarcely needless to say the man died. This same principle 
also makes him the obedient subject that he is, and keeps 
him content with his lot when many another race would be 
restless and urgent for revolution. 

There are, however, other influences for evil. The very 
absoluteness of Islam makes him overbearing and insolent to 
all who are not of his own faith. Its exaltation of the sensual 
paradise frees him from all restraint in the gratification of his 
passions. If once his recognized ecclesiastical leaders, the 
authorized interpreters of the law, declare against the authority 
of the government, he becomes immediately the most danger- 
ous revolutionist known to history ; this in aggression. But 
in another sense the same religion develops within him an 
indolence. The one word that probably to many a traveler 
expresses Turkish character, is the word "kef." It is an un- 
translatable word, and denotes a general condition of indolent 
and sensuous rather than sensual enjoyment of different 



TURKISH "KEF." 83 

pleasures. In the enjoyment of it he is careless of the future 
and the past, and lives only in the present. If urged to labor 
in the fields, he says, " What is the use ? I have enough for 
the moment. Why should I look out for the future?" If 
appeal is made to his ambition in the line of intellectual de- 
velopment or wide extent of prosperity, the same indolent 
luxuriousness prevents his taking the slightest trouble to alter 
his situation. That this indolence should co-exist with the 
tremendous fury of the Turkish onslaughts as known in his- 
tory, with the atrocious barbarity of the events of the past 
year, seems almost incredible, and yet it is true. This same 
characteristic appears in still another form. It stands in op- 
position to any development of the land. It is epicurean- 
ism interpreted in Tartar language, and we have the Sybarite, 
with the bare mud floor, a cup of coffee and a pipe, instead 
of the luxurious couch and deep potations of the Roman 
court. This latter indeed is found where wealth gives oppor- 
tunity, but for the distinctive Turkish " kef," we must look 
not in the palace or on the shores of the Bosporus, but in 
the village and on the plains of Asia Minor. An illustration 
is furnished in the refusal of a Turkish pasha who owned 
some land on the southern slopes of the Taurus. When 
some Europeans came to get a concession for working some 
coal mines on his property, he replied, " If God Almighty had 
intended that coal to be used, He would put it near the surface 
where it could have been got at, not away below, where you 
have to dig for it. It is blasphemy to change His plans." 
What disturbed the pasha, however, in truth, was not the 
blasphemy, but the interference with his "kef." 

It will be seen that the Turk, as is the case with so many 
other peoples, is a bundle of contradictions. With some 



84 ABDUL HAMID II. 

noble qualities he unites some that are brutal and contempti- 
ble in the extreme. Those who see only the courteous host 
and the easy, suave diplomat, will defend him with all their 
power, while those who have felt the iron heel of his despot- 
ism, and seen the wanton outrage of his lust, find it hard to 
think that there can be any good in him. Probably the most 
typical Turk of the century is the Sultan himself. To the 
foreign ambassador, to the guest whom he delights to honor, 
he appears a man of kindly, even benign bearing, sincerely 
desirous of the welfare of all his people, sad at their distress, 
bitterly lamenting the cruel fate that has so weakened the 
power of his rule that he cannot do what he would, yet 
anxious to do all he can. To the official, however, who has 
displeased him, to the peasant in his village who pays him 
taxes, to the priest who seeks to perform the rites of his 
church, he appears a tyrant of the most unjust and cruel type. 
Which is correct ? In all probability both. When all goes 
well, Abdul Hamid, like any other Turk, is kindly, hospitable, 
even generous. When, however, adversity comes upon him, 
and he finds himself face to face with disaster, not merely to 
himself, but to his boasted title of Defender of the Faith, the old 
Tartar blood enkindled by the ferocity of the Moslem Arab 
breaks forth, and he permits, if he does not directly order, the 
the most atrocious series of massacres known in history. 
With capabilities for the best, the Turk frequently manifests 
the worst elements in human nature. 



CHAPTER V. 

The Kurds. 

Legend of the Serpents — Connected with the Medes — Tribal Organization — Nomad Life — 
Saladin and the Crusaders — After the Russo-Turkish War — The Hamidieh Cavalry — 
Brutal Treatment of Christians — Arabs — Circassians and other Moslem Subjects — The 
Nusairiyeh — Yezidis and Druzes. 

THE passion for legend is illustrated in no better way 
than in the statements as to the origin of the oriental 
races. Even the wildest tribes share in this, and there have 
come down, through their famous story-tellers, narrative after 
narrative, to be taken not as authentic history, and yet as 
giving after all the kernel of authentic history. The Kurdish 
people are no exception to this rule. According to the story 
that is told in their camps and castles, extending all the way 
from the eastern end of the Black Sea to the very borders of 
the Persian Gulf, and from the mountains of Western Persia 
along the mountain ranges of Asiatic Turkey, they owed their 
orio-in to one of those acts of cruelty familiar to all Eastern 
history. 

In the capital of Persia, in the ages long past, there was a 
king famous even there for his cruelty. Through many years 
his crimes went unavenged. At last the gods found them 
too severe, and in punishment sent two serpents to take up 
their abode, one in each shoulder. These serpents preyed 
upon his flesh, which yet was constantly renewed by a miracle 
of divine retribution, so that each morning found the body 
still unimpaired. The torture of the day brought to the 

(85) 



86 DRAWING LOTS. 



kino-'s mind a suggestion of relief. Reasoning that his own 
flesh was no sweeter than that of his nobility, and that the 
younger the flesh the more dainty the morsel it furnished, he 
sent out among the wealthy families of his kingdom, and 
gathered in all the young men. Every morning lots were 
cast, and two of these were taken and fed to the serpents, 
that so they might be diverted from the body of the king. 
Naturally terror reigned throughout the kingdom. Fear and 
anger assisted the subjects to discover a way of cheating, both 
the king and the serpents, just as the king had hoped to cheat 
his tormentors. They reasoned that when the first taste of the 
serpents was sated, an ordinary sheep would satisfy their 
huno-er. Accordingly each morning, lots were drawn between 
the two victims, one escaped and fled to the mountains, while 
his comrade suffered. This was carried on, for how long the 
legend does not say, long enough, however, to result in the 
gathering of a large number of these escaped members of 
the nobility in the mountains of Demavend, banded together to 
avenge the wrong upon them and upon their kindred against 
the king and all his forces. 

This, according to the legend, was the origin of the Kurdish 
people. More authentic tradition states that a race variously 
called Gutu (warrior), Gardu, and Karu (whence Kardukas, 
Charduchi), occupied the mountainous eastern border of the 
Assyrian empire in the time of its glory. These were of 
Scythian origin, but were conquered by a tribe of Kermanj de- 
scended from Madai (Mede), the son of Japhet. In any case 
their mountain fastnesses furnished a sort of cave of Adullam, 
to which every man who had a grievance came, and a rude sort 
of feudal o-overnment arose. In some cases the men were 
followed by the women of their families ; in others they 



VARIETY OF KURDS. 8j 

gathered wives from the plain in their raids. Thus there 
grew up a race in the mountains whose hand was against 
every man and every man's hand against them. Occupying 
a position on the border of several kingdoms, it was natural 
that they should become a thoroughly heterogeneous com- 
munity, owing their origin to no one race and taking their 
characteristics from many. Still, whether due to the method 
of their life or to the dominant influence of some racial 
element, there resulted a very marked race, unity governing 
the diversity. Thus, while the Kurds of the North are in 
many respects essentially different from those of the far 
South, both in general appearance and even in language, 
there are certain characteristics of both that mark them all as 
being of one race. 

Probably no absolute distinction can be drawn between the 
different sections. In general, however, it is legitimate to ac- 
cept the classification of some of those who have made care- 
ful study of them. About the only published authorities are 
the Kurdish history, " Shereef Na'ameh," published in St. 
Petersburg, a report to the British Government prepared by 
Major Henry Trotter, British Consul for Kurdistan, and mon- 
ographs by the American missionaries. Considerable infor- 
mation has been given by individual Kurds, for they have 
furnished not a few scholars, and upon the basis of this infor- 
mation they may be divided according to race, religion, gov- 
ernment and mode of life, the lines of separation not being 
always clear, but sufficient to furnish the basis for classifica- 
tion. 

Taking up first the question of race, there appear to be two 
general divisions, each with two subdivisions. First comes 
the great Jaff race, divided into Kermanj and Goran or 



88 DIFFERENT RACES. 

Kuran ; second, the Wend tribes, divided between the Wends 
and the Lurs. The Jaff race includes those tribes occupying 
the country from the eastern end of the Black Sea as far 
south as Kerkuk in Turkey and Hamadan in Persia and 
throughout the mountains of Asia Minor. The Kermanj are 
by far the most numerous and include the entire population 
as far as the vicinity of Mosul and throughout Asia Minor, 
with the exception of a comparatively small number of tribes. 
The remainder are Goran. Of the Wends, the distinctive 
Wend tribe has its origin in Afghanistan and extends through 
Persia into Southern Mesopotamia. The Lurs occupy a sec- 
tion of Luristan southwest of Hamadan. If the total Kurdish 
population be estimated at three and a half millions, fully two 
millions belong to what may be called the Northern Kermanj 
tribes; about 400,000 to the Southern tribes, and about the 
same number (400,000) to the Goran tribes ; while the Wends 
number in all about 700,000. 

In religion all are Moslems, the great majority being 
Sunnis or orthodox; a comparatively small portion aside from 
the Wend tribes being Shiahs. They are in the main very 
scrupulous in their observations of religious rites, thoroughly 
enthusiastic and intensely loyal Moslems, looking upon all 
Christians with the most utter contempt. They are very 
largely under the influence of Dervishes, many of their leaders 
belonging to the different Dervish sects which abound far 
more in Eastern Turkey and Persia than in Western Turkey. 

The general form of government is tribal, corresponding 
very closely to that of the clans of Scotland and such as is 
natural to all mountainous sections of country. As a rule, 
the chieftainship is hereditary, and in some families it has 
remained for a long time ; in others the democratic element 




KURDISH SHEIKH, from the region north of Harput. Many of the Kurds 
of that section were originally of Armenian origin. A great many of them are men 
of considerable force of character and ability, generally kindly in their disposition, 
and living for the most part on good terms with their Christian fellow-subjects. 




GROUP OF XEIBECKS ; a tribe of mountaineers inhabiting the mountain 
section inland from Smyrna. They are bold, reckless, rather brutal men, famous 
for their marauding expeditions, in which they plunder indiscriminately Moslem as 
well as Christian villages. In the Russo- Turkish war, numbers of them were taken 
.nto Bulgaria, where they committed the most atrocious outrages. 



MANNER OF LIFE. 9 1 

seems to rule, and there are frequent changes. In the chief- 
tainship among the Wend tribes that position is held according 
to custom by the man whose prowess marks him as the leader. 
There are, however, considerable sections in which the tribal 
organization is practically disappearing. These mostly in- 
clude the Lurs of Persia and some of those found in Meso- 
potamia and through Asia Minor. This loss of the tribal 
character is due chiefly to the contact into which they have 
come with the dominating power of the Persian and Turkish 
Governments. 

Perhaps the most apparent division of the Kurdish people 
is according to their manner of life, nomad or sedentary. The 
distinction between these is not always easily drawn. In 
many cases the tribes are at one season of the year nomad 
and at another sedentary ; thus some of the wildest clans of 
the mountains who spend their summers upon the plains 
wandering- back and forth with their tents, are in the winter 
confined within their villages and have all the general aspects 
of a settled population. It is doubtless true that the general 
tendency has been from the nomad to the sedentary life, and 
many tribes whose ancestors a half century ago knew prac- 
tically no abiding place, are now found year after year within 
the same geographical territory. But one of these divisions 
can fairly be said to have retained absolutely its nomad 
character, and that is the Wend tribe. They live on horse- 
back, with comparatively few flocks or herds, and prey upon 
whatever country they happen to enter. 

The great mass of the Kermanj are partially nomad, while 
the Lurs are almost entirely sedentary. The development of 
city life has had its effect, and there are a number of cities 
along the Persian border, including Kerkuk, Suleimanieh, 



92 TRIBAL ORGANIZATION. 

Rowandiz and Bitlis, where the entire Moslem population is 
Kurdish. In some cases these have retained a certain tribal 
form of organization though not of government, but in not a 
few instances that has disappeared, and to the traveler the 
Kurd appears to be an ordinary Turkish citizen. 

The general characteristics of the Kurds vary somewhat 
according to these general divisions. The nomads, whether 
Kermanj or Wend, are lawless and often brutal to the last 
degree. The sedentary Kurds are in the main sturdy, but 
quiet and unaggressive. On the other hand there is a marked 
distinction between the sedentary Lur on the plains of Persia 
and his kinsman in the city of Bitlis. In general the Kermanj 
are the most aesfressive ; the Gorans show the most character; 
the Wends are the wildest, and the Lurs the most peaceful. 
Comparatively few have come into contact with any form of 
civilization, although some of the Goran chiefs, and even men 
of no particular position, have manifested ability of high order. 
One of the most successful ministers that the present Sultan 
has ever had, who has not only been ambassador to Germany, 
but has held the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs and 
even that of Grand Vizier at Constantinople, is a Kurd from 
Suleimanieh. The editor of one of the most successful papers 
at the capital, before the present intense censorship was 
established, was a Kurd from the same section ; and one of 
the most efficient assistants in the preparation of the version 
of the Bible in the Turkish language was a Kurd who had 
no education in foreign languages, simply what he had obtained 
from Arabic, Persian and Turkish literature. No one .can 
travel through the mountains of Kurdistan, south of Van, 
without coming in contact with men whose personal dignity 
of character and whose wide information astonish him. Not 



HISTORY OF THE KURDS. 93 

a few who have known of these people have thought that 
possibly with them lay the solution as to the ultimate rule of 
that whole section. 

Authentic history of the Kurdish people dates back not 
much more than three centuries. Before that time they were 
simply a collection of tribes with some racial unity, develop- 
ing the idea expressed by the legend of their origin. Occa- 
sionally chieftains made themselves a wider reputation. Sala- 
din, the famous Ameer of the time of the Crusades, was a Kurd 
whose nomad instincts and ability placed him at the head of 
the Moslem foes of the European kings. In the middle of 
the sixteenth century they came under the power of the 
Ottoman and Persian rulers, though the fealty that they ren- 
dered was perhaps scarcely worth the name. Until the latter 
part of the last century they confined themselves chiefly to 
the mountain ranges bordering Turkey and Persia, spreading 
out upon the plains merely for occasional pasturage, but 
within the last half century the tribes have spread east and 
west, but principally west. Little by little they occupied the 
whole of the mountain section of Eastern Turkey; then the 
mountain ranges skirting the Black Sea ; then the Taurus, 
until to-day they are found in varying numbers and with some 
modified characteristics, yet still evidently of the same race, 
even as far west as the borders of the Salt Plain of Western 
Asia Minor. 

The Kurds first came into prominence as an essential or at 
least important element in the problems affecting the Turkish 
Government, about the time of the Russo-Turkish war in 
1876. Hitherto they had been looked upon chiefly as an 
element of disturbance, but not of dread. Whenever the 
government became more impatient than usual with their 



94 SIEGE OF ERZRUM. 

raids, a strong hand was put forth and they were speedily 
brought to terms. There was no apparent thought on their 
part of any united action, or on the part of the Turks that 
they could be in any way made use of. 

The sieofe of Erzrum and attending battles on the border 
first brought the Kurds into contact with the more advanced 
methods of western warfare. They had seen something of 
it at Kars in 1856, but there had not then been the advance 
made in the weapons used which characterized the conflicts 
of twenty years later, and it seems to have made little impres- 
sion. On this latter occasion the Kurdish chiefs with their 
men hung on the outskirts of both armies pillaging each with 
scrupulous impartiality. They had no love for either Sultan 
or Czar, and looked upon the soldiers, whether wounded or 
dead upon the battlefield, chiefly as furnishing material 
for their own better arming. Two results followed. There 
was a marvelous distribution of modern arms throughout the 
Kurdish mountains, and a perfect revelation as to the methods 
of modern warfare and the power that even they might 
exert. More than this, however, there was borne in upon 
the Kurdish mind that neither Sultan nor Czar was omnipo- 
tent. The sudden arrest of the Russian advance and the 
subsequent evacuation of Erzrum could not in their mind be 
attributed to the power of the Turk. There must be other 
influences more mighty than he. In one way or another there 
came reports of the great Queen of England, the Emperor 
of Germany and his wonderful minister. 

The author was lunching one day in a Kurdish village, not 
far from Arbela, when he had a call from a Kurdish Sheikh, 
who asked him to read the inscription on a magnificent pistol. 
He read, " Providence Tool Company, Providence, Rhode 



OPEN WAR. 95 

Island." The Sheikh would say nothing as to where and how 
he gained possession of this weapon, but it did not require 
much shrewdness to identify him with one of the leaders, 
who brought terror to the stragglers, both Turks, and Russians, 
in the war that had only ceased two years before. More sig- 
nificant, however, were the questions he asked about Glad- 
stone, Bismarck, Queen Victoria, the Czar, etc., and especially 
those in which he tried to sound the visitor as to the relations 
between those men and the Sultan and Shah. He did not 
get much satisfaction, but his talk came very vividly to mind 
a few weeks later, when a messenger from the most powerful 
chief of the mountains came to the same traveler to ask, in 
a strictly private way, how he could best come into com- 
munication with the Queen of England, whom he desired to 
recognize as his suzerain. It was easy to refer him to an 
English Consul, with the explanation that Americans had 
nothing to do with Oriental politics. 

The first fruit of this was manifest two years later, when the 
chief who sent this last question declared open war on the 
Shah, and started on an expedition that for a time threatened 
ruin to the two large cities in Northern Persia. Sheikh 
Obeidullah was one of the finest specimens of the Kurdish 
chief. A man of wide acquaintance, shrewd judgment, bound- 
less ambition, and fine bearing, he was evidently fitted to 
inaugurate a Kurdish kingdom. He was connected, too, with 
the Nakshibendi order of Dervishes, and could bring to his 
support the mighty influence of that, the most powerful order 
in Western Asia. When he started out from the fastnesses 
of the mountains north of Rowandiz there was terror every- 
where, and not a few felt that not merely had a new element 
entered the conflict, but one whose power was beyond com- 



96 DANGERS TO THE SULTAN. 

putatlon. He traversed the plain south of Lake Urumia, 
appeared before the city, and even threatened Tabriz. He 
doubtless made his first attack on Persia, as the weaker of the 
two empires, planning, in case of success there, to measure 
strength with the Sultan. He doubtless hoped also to make 
such an impression as to attract the attention of Europe. He 
was disappointed, however. His followers, with no discipline 
or morale, proved absolutely unmanageable when it came to 
meeting even the play troops of the Persian army, and the 
tumbledown walls of Urumia. They soon became disheart- 
ened, feared lest they should lose the plunder already collected, 
and the army of many thousand men melted away like dew. 

As a Turkish subject the Sheikh, under the representations 
from Teheran, was taken as a captive to Constantinople. He 
was confined for a time in an apartment of the palace, but 
managed to escape in the form of a green dove, as the nursery 
stories went. He was found, however, back in his old home, 
and again seized and sent into exile in Arabia, where in due 
time he died. 

This experience, however, had its lessons for the Turkish 
Government. It was evident that there was an element of 
danger in the mountains of Kurdistan, which, added to the 
other dangers menacing the Sultan, from the activity of the 
Armenians, the pressure from the European powers, and the 
general hostility to his Caliphate among the Arabs, might 
easily prove very serious. Were the Kurds to join the Arabs, 
Turkish rule in Eastern Turkey and Mesopotamia would be 
at an end. Were they to join the Armenians the result would 
be equally disastrous. Such a thing may seem absurd, and 
yet it was not so absurd as might appear. The one power 
that seemed to Sheikh Obeidullah and doubtless to his friends 



PLUNDER AND FINERY. 97 

as the one to be courted, was England. England was well 
understood to be the patron of the Armenians. The Kurds 
had little hostility to the Armenians themselves. They were 
glad to plunder them when they could, and very ready to 
raise the Moslem cry if it served their turn ; but in the main 
Kurdish and Armenian mountaineers had gotten along to- 
gether fairly well. It was the villages of the plain that had 
the most to fear. Both alike suffered from the Turkish Gov- 
ernment, both alike dreaded Russia. It is by no means in- 
conceivable that the two should have united forces against 
both governments. 

Whether this fear came to the Turkish authorities or not, 
it is certain that they took the most effective way to prevent 
such a union. 

The two things that appeal most to a Kurd are plunder and 
finery. If he can appropriate other people's sheep and goods 
and dress himself in showy colors he is happy. With true 
Oriental shrewdness the Turkish Government took advantage 
of this and sent word to the chiefs to organize a portion of 
their men into a sort of irregular cavalry. They were to be 
provided with uniforms and arms, were to be honored with 
the Sultan's own name, Hamid, and called the Hamidieh Cav- 
alry. At first there was some dismay, for it is the unvarying 
rule of the Turkish Government to send its soldiers far away 
from their own homes for active service. That rule was 
broken in this case. The Hamidieh were especially favored 
and permitted to remain in their own mountains, where they 
were authorized to act as police. The effect of this was to 
give them absolutely unlimited opportunity for plunder. The 
slightest defense on the part of the Armenians against a raid 
was sufficient pretext to warrant their punishment for open in- 



98 KURDS AS DEMONS. 

surrection, and this was what happened throughout Eastern 
Turkey and even to the west, wherever the Kurds extended. 
The result has been to bring out into bold relief the worst el- 
ements in the Kurdish character. The atrocities committed 
by them have been horrible beyond description. They have 
showed no mercy to any. They have become so identified 
with robbery, murder and outrage, that not merely have the 
Armenians come to dread them as demons, but the Turks 
themselves often look upon them as the most dangerous 
allies. At the same time their innate cowardice as well as 
their weakness have been made most apparent. In every 
case where they have carried devastation to places of any 
size or strength it has been with the aid of Turks, and when- 
ever the Turkish Government has really sought to ward off 
their attacks it has done so with perfect ease. In defenseless 
villages they have proved a perfect tornado of devastation, 
but in not a single city have they unaided been able to accom- 
plish anything. In the attack on Harput, where the* houses 
of the American missionaries were destroyed, they were as- 
sisted by the Turkish rabble from the city itself and by Turk- 
ish soldiers in disguise ; but when, as at Mardin, they sought 
alone to attack the city, they were easily driven back. 

The term Arab is applied in popular use to all the Moslem 
subjects of the Sultan who use the Arabic language, and they 
are found in Syria, Mesopotamia and Arabia. In fact a large 
number of these are not Arabs at all. In both Northern 
Syria and along the Lebanon, the great mass are Syrians who 
early accepted Islam, and are of the same race as their 
Christian fellows of the Jacobite and Chaldean Churches. 
Thus, in the cities of Aleppo, Mardin and Mosul there are 
comparatively few pure Arabs, although genuine Arab tribes 



THE ARABS. 99 

press very closely upon the borders of all these places. 
Arabia itself, being practically independent, with the exception 
of the provinces of Hejaz and Yemen, has comparatively little 
to do with Turkish history, and notwithstanding that the 
Bedouin tribes of Mesopotamia partake frequently of the 
general characteristics of the mountain Kurds, they still have 
come into little antagonism with Christians. They prefer the 
free life of the plains and are not feared by the villagers as 
are the rougher Moslems to the East. The chief interest for 
Turkish history connected with the Arabs arises from the 
control Turkey has held, ever since the conquering of Egypt, 
of the provinces of Arabia, where the Moslem religion has 
its center. The Arabs of Mecca and Medina, and also those 
of the province of Yemen, have always hated the Turk. The 
Moslem law says that the caliph should be a member of the 
tribe of Koreish, and to have that high honor, so dio-nified by 
the rulers of Bagdad and their followers, assumed by a Tartar 
from Central Asia is a standing grievance with the descend- 
ants of the Prophet and his kinsmen. Hence the Turkish 
hold upon those provinces has always been very slight, 
scarcely more than its hold upon any of the interior sections. 
Revolts in Yemen have become so common a phrase that 
they scarcely attract any special attention. The whole prov- 
ince is in a chronic state of disturbance, and almost at any 
time, were Arabs really to exert themselves, or could they 
unite, they could throw off the Ottoman rule. More im- 
portant in many ways than the regular Arabs are the 
Syrians. They are shrewd, proud, ambitious, love dis- 
play and manifest the peculiar characteristics of a race 
which for centuries was subject and then assumed the 
ascendancy. 



IOO THE CIRCASSIANS, 

The Circassians, who are found in numbers in Asia Minor, 
from Constantinople to Sivas, along the shores of the Black 
Sea, and also to a considerable extent in European Turkey, 
are mostly the followers of Schamyl, the famous leader 
who was defeated by the Russians in 1859. They are bold 
and daring, far more fearless and aggressive than the Kurds 
and are also of a higher type of ability and character. The 
Sultan listened to their appeal for protection and gave them 
a cordial welcome into his domains. He appropriated to 
them certain lands and then practically left them to claim pos- 
session and to extend their claim wherever they could. As a 
result, for a number of years they were a terror to all, Mos- 
lem and Christian. Gradually, however, they settled down 
and then their industry manifested itself and the Circassian 
communities in many cases attained a good degree of pros- 
perity. Naturally they brought more or less of their brigand 
style of life and of dealing with them, and even the settled 
communities included not a few who relied for their subsist- 
ence upon plunder. One thing may be said in their favor. 
They brought their wagons with them from the Caucasus, 
and have done more perhaps than any others to change the 
method of transportation. Accustomed to rough roads in 
their old home, the absence of roads in Turkey did not terrify 
them and they set to work to make some, and to them per- 
haps more than to almost any other influence was due the 
gradual disappearance in certain sections of carriage by horse 
and mule caravan. Akin to the Circassians are the Lazes, 
found chiefly in the region of Trebizond. They, however, 
are of a lower grade, more brutal and less reliable, more 
easily led into outrage and violence of the lower order. Their 



OTHER MOSLEM TRIBES. IOI 

work is especially seen in the massacres in the region of 
Trebizond, Baiburt and Erzrum. 

In Western Asia Minor, in the mountains back of Smyrna 
and throughout the generally rough country as far east as An- 
gora, there are numerous Moslem tribes passing under one 
"name or another according to the location — Xeibecks, Av- 
shars, Yoruks, etc. They are a wild, lawless, brutal lot, a 
terror to everyone in the whole region. They know no re- 
straint of any kind and put at defiance all law. Occasionally, 
when their depredations upon the plains or villages have 
become too severe, the Turkish Government has sent out some 
troops, but ordinarily they have held their own in the moun- 
tain fastnesses and plundered the villages and towns and 
carried into exile prominent citizens, holding them for heavy 
ransom. In this respect they have vied with some of the well- 
known Greek brigands, until it was scarcely safe for foreign- 
ers to ride out an hour's distance from the cities of Smyrna, 
Manisa or Aidin. 

Ordinarily associated with Moslems and classed in a sense 
as Moslems by the Turkish Government, yet not belonging 
to them really, are three strange communities in Syria and 
Mesopotamia ; the Nusairiyeh and Druzes in Syria and the 
Yezidis in Mesopotamia. The Nusairiyeh have their head- 
quarters in the cities of Adana, Tarsus and Latakia, and num- 
ber perhaps 300,000. Their origin is lost in obscurity. Some 
claim that they are descended from the Persians ; others that 
they are the remnant of the tribes that Joshua drove out of 
Palestine. Their religious practices, which are held very 
secret, sustain the theory of their descent from the ancient 
heathen tribes of Palestine. They receive their name from a 
renowned leader and teacher, and their religious system was 



102 THE NUSAIRIYEH. 

brought to perfection by one of his descendants. They claim 
to be followers of Mohammed, but are really pagans, the claim 
being a diplomatic one, chiefly for the purpose of avoiding the 
terrible oppression of the Moslem rule. They hold to special 
mysteries into which none are initiated under eighteen years 
of age, and each applicant must bring twelve men as security, 
and these must each be secured by two others. He is then 
required to swear by all the heavenly bodies never to reveal 
the mysteries under penalty of having hands, feet and head 
severed from his body. It is, as a consequence, almost im- 
possible to learn anything from them, and one of their number 
at Adana, who revealed their mysteries in part, disappeared 
shortly afterwards, and undoubtedly suffered the penalty. 
They worship fire, the wind, the waves of the sea — anything 
that manifests power ; are hearty believers in the transmigra- 
tion of souls, and occasionally have a strange mixture of 
paganism and Islam. They have numerous feasts, and some 
of their religious rights are said to be most vile. They are 
revengeful and practice blood atonement. They are thievish 
and tricky to the very last degree, and their general morality 
is very low. At the same time many of them- manifest 
elements of character of great interest, and their shrewdness 
makes conversation with them almost fascinating. Their 
relations to the Turkish Government have always been uncer- 
tain. They have been heavily oppressed and have been called 
on to furnish tributes, but are such adepts in the art 
of deception that even the government has found it impossible 
to carry out all its designs with them. 

The Yezidis are popularly known as devil worshippers, 
though this is probably incorrect and due partly to the secrecy 
of their rites, and partly to their idea of propitiating the powers 



THE YEZIDIS. IO3 

of evil. They belong to those Arabs who refused to accept 
Islam, and gathered in a loose organization under a certain 
sheik from the region of Damascus, in the early part of the 
twelfth century. Under Moslem rule they have in a certain 
way accepted Mohammedanism, at least in outward appear- 
ance, though they entertain a deep-seated hatred for Moslems, 
whether Arabs or Kurds, and are in return treated by them 
with contempt. They are found both in the mountains to the 
east of the Tigris and also in the Sinjar Hills west of Mosul, as 
well as in the vicinity of that, city itself. Those in the moun- 
tains use the Kurdish language, but those on the plains use 
Arabic as well. They are an agricultural people, live in 
villages, and as a rule are neater and cleaner in their dress 
than either the Arabs or the Kurds. In the main they are 
quiet and industrious, but in the northern sections among the 
mountains they are given to highway robbery, and in the Sin- 
jar Hills, where they are in the great majority, they are restive 
and hostile to the Turkish Government. Their religious 
belief is very confused. They believe in God as the Supreme 
Deity, but have nothing to do with Him in the way of worship 
or service. They believe in an emanation from God who is 
eternal, the Melek Taoos, or King Peacock, who became in- 
carnate as Lucifer, deceived Adam and Eve as Satan, and is 
one of the seven gods who in turn ruled the world for ten 
thousand years. They also worship the Sheik to whom they 
owe the organization of their religious system, and various 
other gods. They hold to the transmigration of souls and 
give a qualified reverence to the Scriptures, the Old and New 
Testaments. They have a religious oligarchy composed of 
six orders ; the Ameer, Sheiks, and priests, who are 
Nazarites, having taken vows of celibacy. They worship the 



104 THE DRUZES. 

sun and fire, and once a year perform the service before the 
emblem of the Peacock, which is carried to the different 
villages. They have no liturgy and observe several feasts. 
Their relations to the Turkish Government have been not 
unlike those of the Nusairiyeh, except that they have suffered 
more severely than that community. In the early part of the 
present century there was a terrible massacre in which thou- 
sands of them were put to death. 

More notable than either of these previous classes, although 
much smaller in numbers, is the sect or race of the Druzes, 
living in Northern Syria, along the slopes of the Lebanon. 
They have about one hundred and twenty towns and villages, 
and are estimated at a total population of 65,000. Their 
chief town is Deir-el-Kamar, about fifteen miles southeast of 
Beirut. Like the Nusairiyeh, they are generally supposed to 
have descended from the pagan peoples of the land, especially 
the Cuthites, who re-peopled Samaria ; or perhaps partly from 
the Mardis, brought to Lebanon by Constantine, with an 
element of the Arabs and possibly something of the Crusad- 
ers. Their own traditions indicate a widely extended knowl- 
edge, and in their conversation and manners they show a 
certain refinement which is in marked contrast to the other 
Syrian races. The reputed author of their peculiar religion, 
which is held in secret by them, was a caliph of Egypt at the 
close of the tenth century, who was undoubtedly insane, but 
who left the impress of his ferocity upon the people. They 
do not acknowledge the claims of any other religion, but allow 
the profession of any religion according to expediency, and 
unite with the Moselm in many of his services. So also they 
at times will sprinkle with holy water in the Maronite churches. 
Far from being fatalists as the Moslems, they recognize 



MASSACRES OF i860. IO5 

absolutely the freedom of the human will. Ordinarily they 
are quiet and peaceable, but on occasion are stirred to terrible 
ferocity, as was seen in the massacres of i860, when they 
killed so many Maronites, and at the present time they furnish 
the Turkish Government with not a little cause for uneasiness. 
A threatened revolt in the winter resulted in calling out the 
reserves of the Turkish army, and for a time there was fear 
of a general outbreak. This, however, was averted and 
quiet was restored. 



CHAPTER VI. 

The Armenians. 

Their Origin — Early History — First Nation to Accept Christianity — Dispersion Under 
Oppression — Change from Agricultural to Commercial People — General Characteristics; 
Loyalty to Nation and Religion— Industry — Morality — Intellectual Ability — Shrewdness 
— Jealousy of One Another — Influence of Missions and European Ideas — Growth of 
National Ambition — Armenians in Russia — Autonomy — Armenians in Other Countries — 
Patriarch Mattheos — Outlook for the Future. 

THE Armenians are generally supposed, from their lan- 
guage, to be of Aryan origin, though having not a little 
in common with the Turanian, or at least the non-Aryan races. 
In the Assyrian period, their country was occupied by the 
Nairi and Urarda, both probably Turanian stock. When the 
Aryan Armenian migration occurred is not known, but the 
name first occurs, in the form of Armaniya, in a Persian cunei- 
form inscription of Darius Hystaspis, 522-486 b. c. 

According to Armenian tradition, the name is derived from 
a king, Aram, under whose rule the nation achieved consider- 
able power, though subsequently overcome by the mythical 
Queen Semiramis of Assyria. They do not, however, call 
themselves Armenians, but Haik, and their country Haiasdan, 
after Haik, whom they consider the son of Togarmah, the son 
of Gomer, the son of Japhet, the son of Noah. He, according 
to their traditions, established the Armenian kingdom in the 
vicinity of Ararat, to which country he had escaped from the 
tyranny of Belus, the king of Assyria, at an uncertain date, 
perhaps 2000 b. c. From that time on they were a more oj 
less powerful people, sometimes achieving a period of inde- 
pendence, but generally succumbing to the attacks of the 

more powerful kingdoms that arose to the south and west. 

(106) 




ARMENIAN WOMAN. A good illustration of the Armenian type. The 
head-dress is that usually found in the Caucasus. The Armenian women, as a 
rule, are fine looking, with intelligent faces and womanly bearing. This is especially 
noticeable in the case of old women. Among the oriental races, as a rule, the old 
women are not handsome, but the reverse is true of the Armenian women. 



DURTAD RE-ENTHRONED. IO g 

Any accurate statement of those early years it is impossible 
to make. It appears to be the fact that most of their kings, 
among them Tigranes, the friend of Cyrus, the younger 
Chosroes of the family of the Arsacidae, and Mithridafes, 
were not of Armenian origin, but chieftians from the neigh- 
boring races, Parthian or others, who by personal force of 
character gained a supremacy, and established for the time 
being what was called an Armenian kingdom. 

On the defeat by the Persians of Chosroes, of the family of 
the Arsacidae, his young son Durtad escaped and went to 
Rome. He subsequently gained the assistance of Rome and 
was re-established upon his throne. It was through his influ- 
ence in the latter part of the third century, that the Armenians 
as a nation accepted Christianity. This was the signal for 
renewed attacks by Persia, and the kingdom met with various 
fortunes, achieving a certain independence under the sway of 
the family of the Pagratidae, who for two centuries maintained 
a general authority in what was known as Armenia. In the 
middle of the eleventh century the Byzantine Empire became 
master of the greater part of the country, and in the 
fourteenth century the Ottomans commenced the reign that 
has been carried on till the present day. 

Armenian history states that, in the time of Christ, Abgar, 
of their royal line, was king of Edessa or Urfa in Northern 
Mesopotamia. In other histories he is spoken of as King of 
the Arabs, but the Armenians claim him for themselves. The 
name is certainly Armenian. According to the chief Arme- 
nian historian, this king listened to the preaching of Thaddeus, 
one of the seventy disciples who were sent forth by Christ, 
and was also healed by him of a severe disease. The result 
was that he accepted the Christian faith, and was baptized 



IIO GREGORY, THE ILLUMINATOR. 

with his whole family. His successor, however, refused to 
follow in his steps, and persecuted the people so, that this in- 
cipient growth of Christianity was almost destroyed. In the 
time of Durtad (Tiridates), in the latter part of the third 
century, under the influence of Gregory the Illuminator, as he 
is called, there was a great revival of Christianity, and it was 
accepted as the religion of the nation. From this great 
preacher the Church receives the different names by which it is 
known, "the Gregorian Church," the "Loosavorchagan Church" 
(Loosavorich being the Armenian for "Illuminator"). Under 
his influence the king was baptized in 301 a. d., and although 
there was bitter opposition on the part of some of the nobles, 
the nation as a whole followed him, and the Armenians have 
the distinguished honor of being the first people to make 
Christianity their national religion. 

Situated far from Constantinople, it was natural that they 
should not mingle intimately with the theological strifes of the 
early centuries. They were generally represented at the 
Church councils, but by some chance sent no delegate to the 
Fourth Council at Chalcedon in 451 a. d. The condemna- 
tion at that council of Nestorianism and Eutychianism was 
either misreported to them, or misunderstood by them, and at 
a synod of their bishops it was repudiated, and they declared 
themselves decidedly in favor of the Monophysite doctrine of 
the nature and person of Christ. There thus arose constant 
strife between them and the Greek Church, and more and 
more they were shut off by themselves, so that their national life 
developed, not merely independently of that of the surround- 
ing churches, but to the exclusion of any external influences, 
such as materially affect the growth of modern ecclesiastical 
communities. They would not accept instruction at the hands 



FORMALISM RESULTS. Ill 

of the Western Church, had no means of education within 
themselves, and as a natural result formalism took the place 
of spiritual life. This was assisted by the constant strife for 
their existence as a nation, until the Church, as a church, lost 
almost its entire hold upon the spiritual life of the people. 

The history of the Armenians for the five centuries inter- 
vening between the conquest of their home by the Turks and 
their coming into prominent notice before the Christian world 
in the early part of the present century, is one of constant 
conflict between the disintegrating influences of an oppressive 
government and the intense national characteristics of the 
people. From the very beginning they felt the terrible rule 
of the Moslems, and as far back as 1360 some refugees came 
to Edward III. of England complaining that the Moslems were 
trying to exterminate their people. A little was done for 
them. They were allowed to live in England and to collect 
subscriptions for their fellow-sufferers, but that was about all. 

In a certain sense the result of the oppression was not 
altogether injurious. Up to that time the Armenians had 
been strictly confined within their borders. Whatever of 
tyranny had been exercised there had served to repress their 
national life. Now commenced a dispersion, with both good 
and evil results. They wandered westward over Asia Minor; 
quite a number settled on the northern slopes of the Taurus 
and established a kingdom with Sis as its capital. Cut off 
from their own people, they secured a patriarch to themselves, 
and there seemed every possibility of their forming a distinct 
nation. This, however, was destined to fall under the rule 
of the Turks, and they were scarcely distinct from their 
fellows in other parts of the empire. Others wandered east- 
ward and peopled the Caucasus, which was then Northern 



112 BANKERS OF THE EMPIRE. 

Persia. Shah Abbas recognized their value as subjects, and 
early in the seventeenth century transported a colony to 
the vicinity of Ispahan. This emigration naturally carried out 
of their own country some of the most aggressive elements, 
and as was not unnatural, those who remained felt still more 
the pressure of the surrounding Moslem tribes, who crowded 
into their villages. Thus little by little the ancestral plains of 
Armenia became more and more Moslem. 

Another influence operated quite forcibly. In a preceding 
chapter reference has been made to the custom of villagers 
leaving their homes for a shorter or longer term of life in the 
cities and larger towns. This was especially characteristic of 
the Armenians. Constantinople, Smyrna, Trebizond, Adana 
and all the western cities of the empire, as well as many 
inland, depended entirely upon this form of emigration for 
their artisans and the great mass of their day-laborers. 
While many of these bachelors, as they were called, returned 
to their own homes, a large number became permanent occu- 
pants of the cities, sometimes bringing their families with 
them, sometimes making their own homes. In this way there 
grew up a class distinct in many respects from the original 
Armenian population, with different ambitions, differing needs 
and widely different customs. The agricultural character of 
the race began more and more to disappear and the people 
became known as tradesmen. With the control of commerce 
came the control of money, and these Armenian tradesmen 
were the bankers in the empire. They found their way into 
the service of the government, made themselves essential to 
the Sultans and governors, and amassed in many cases large 
fortunes. 

We come thus to the situation about the time of the Treaty 



TREATY OF PARIS. II3 

of Paris. The Armenians, no longer a homogeneous people 
with a national territory markedly and distinctively their own, 
were scattered to the number of from three to four millions 
over the whole of the Turkish Empire, the Caucasus and 
Northern Persia. They had the same marked racial charac- 
teristics. Physically of good stature, strong features, manly 
bearing; industrious and frugal ; loyal to their religion and to 
their nation ; of marked ability, adapting themselves to any 
circumstances, whether of climate, social or political life ; very 
kindly, sympathetic, affectionate ; with an element of the 
jevial in their life; intensely proud of their history and their 
faith ; clannish almost to the last degree, refusing such associa- 
tion with other races as might imply the loss of their own; 
of exceptionally pure morals among the Eastern races; in- 
tense lovers of home and family life, and hospitable in the 
extreme ; with acute minds and suave manners, they mani- 
fested many of the essential elements of a strong nation. 

There were, however, other features which must be noted. 
They were grossly ignorant and for the most part densely 
superstitious, held in absolute thrall by a Hierarchy bigoted 
and overbearing to the last degree, and fully as ignorant 
as the people whom they misled. Their constant strife with 
other races and their long history of subjugation had de- 
veloped a shrewdness of dealing which partook in marked 
degree of the unscrupulous. They were ready to take 
advantage of anybody and of anything to further their ends. 
Obsequious and servile in their bearing towards superiors, 
they were looked upon by the Turk as a necessary evil ; 
a fruitful source of income in the shape of taxes, advanta- 
geous for their general skill as artisans and as servants, but 



114 PRESSURE OF DESPOTISM. 

beneath contempt for their trickery. Similarly they had the 
hatred of their fellow-Christians of other churches. 

There was, however, another characteristic that has been 
recognized by their best men for years as operating more 
than almost anything else to keep them in subjection and 
prevent their best development. With all their intense 
nationality manifesting itself in their devotion to their history 
and to their church, their absolute refusal to be swallowed up 
in any other race or any other community, there is a lack of 
mutual confidence, a jealousy of one another's advance that 
has made it impossible for them as a race to hold together in 
any onward movement. This is undoubtedly due to intense 
individuality and also to the pressure of despotism. They 
are not by any means lacking in personal courage, as is 
witnessed by multitudes of instances. Individually they will 
fight for their lives and their honor and especially for their 
families. They will suffer martyrdom for their religion, as 
they have suffered repeatedly during the centuries. They 
will sacrifice personal interests for Christ's sake, but when 
it comes to the waiving of personal opinion, the entrusting 
of power and the rendering of obedience to others, they 
have throughout their history failed entirely. 

A most marked instance of this was seen in the city 
of Erzrum. A wealthy Armenian from Russia, anxious for 
the education of his people, established a set of schools 
of very high grade, and for a time they were carried on most 
successfully. But before long there came jealousies in the 
management of those schools; mutual suspicion of personal 
interest on the part of the directors, and year by year what 
might have been the central point of Armenian national life 
dwindled in strength until it almost disappeared. 



AMERICAN MISSIONS. II5 

The result of these characteristics was manifest in the 
general situation of the Armenians, and their relation to the 
other peoples of the empire. They were in many respects 
the most useful, and in some respects almost the best hated 
of all. Their shrewdness and ability made them indispen- 
sable. Thus they were everywhere the tradesmen and small 
bankers, but at the same time had very little interest in general 
commerce. The business directory of Constantinople shows 
almost no Armenian firms, even for local business, and very 
few Armenian houses engaged in foreign trade. Then also, 
when Sultan Mahmud II. organized the government on a semi- 
European plan, he drew very largely upon the Armenians for 
his administration officials in the various departments, finding 
their versatility, ability and adaptability of the greatest value. 

At this time they began to show the result of two very 
powerful influences from the West — those of American mis- 
sions, and of French literature and social life. The influence 
of American missions among the Armenians has been a great 
power. While the proportion of those who have identified 
themselves with what is known as evangelical Christianity, in 
distinction from the excessive formalism of the old Church, 
which had largely lost its spiritual power, was not large, it in- 
cluded many men of great influence, and the general effect 
upon the nation in opening the eyes of the more intelligent 
to the possibilities of the new century were very marked. 
Wherever an American missionary went, there was a school, 
and not merely a school of his own, but a school for each of 
the different communities. The priests of whatever faith found 
that they could not afford to lose their hold upon the children 
and young people, and thus were sown far and wide the seeds 
of the intellectual life that was spreading so rapidly in Europe. 



Il6 NO EDUCATION. 

The general condition of the nation, so far as education was 
concerned, was deplorable. Throughout the villages it was 
rare to find a man who could read, and even in the towns and 
cities the proportion was very, very small. Many of the priests 
even were unable to read the Scriptures in the old language, 
which was to them practically dead. The introduction of these 
schools changed this in a marked degree. The natural intellect- 
ual activity of the race asserted itself, and over all the empire 
there was manifest a new impulse. So far as that impulse 
was due to the influence of the missionaries, it was in the line 
of good morals and the best national development. 

Side by side, however, with this, came another. As inter- 
course with Europe increased, adventurous young men spread 
throughout the schools of Paris and Vienna. They brought 
back a craze for French literature, not the best, but the worst. 
With this came a revolt against religion. It became fashion- 
able to be known as free thinkers, and free thinking meant 
not liberty, but license of thought and of life. The immediate 
effect was almost appalling. The nation which had hitherto 
been noted for its strict morality, became widely immoral. 
Gambling was almost universal among the young men in the 
cities, on the seaboard, and the achievement of considerable 
wealth, while in the government service, and the openings of 
trade, had the effect of weakening national life. The pride 
of national life had not lost all its power, but the hold of 
national principles was becoming weaker. The best men in 
the nation looked on aghast, and longed for influences that 
should serve as anchors to keep the people. Thus there grew 
up a sympathetic feeling between the better class of Armenian 
ecclesiastics and the American missionaries, whose influence 
was strongly conservative. 



ENTHUSIASM AROUSED. II7 

The reigns of Abdul Medjid and Abdul Aziz were times 
of great advance for the whole Armenian people. Oppression 
still existed, and oppression of the worst form, but they were 
becoming more and more able to meet oppression. Not 
merely in the cities, but throughout the empire, and even in 
the villages, there was manifest a development which had, as 
has already been said, its tokens both of good and evil, the 
good, in the main, being predominant. The advent of the 
present Sultan, following as it did upon the revolution which 
showed how thoroughly rotten the whole Turkish fabric was, 
and accompanied by the events which resulted in the formation 
of the Bulgarian kingdom, seemed to open a new era to the 
Armenians. The young men who had been under the ed- 
ucating influences of the different schools and colleges of the 
Americans, or of the universities of Europe, were assuming 
positions of influence among their people. Furthermore, ed- 
ucation in their own schools had brought sharply before them 
their own former history, and there was a great revival of in- 
terest in the early kings. The plains and valleys and moun- 
tains of Armenia were covered with a halo, which perhaps was 
not historically just, but which served at any rate to rouse the 
highest enthusiasm among the people. The use of their own 
language, which had drifted from the severe simplicity of its 
original form into a sort of mongrel, under the influence of 
the Turkish language and other surroundings, was coming 
back. Everywhere throughout the nation there was manifest 
an increasing ambition to do for themselves what the Bulga- 
rians had done. 

Accordingly, at the conference at Berlin, a prominent 
Armenian was present, and he set forth in very vivid and 
glowing terms the situation of his people. The political 



Il8 CONFERENCE AT BERLIN. 

effect of this is reserved for another chapter. We here simply 
desire to point out its effect upon the nation. That was un- 
doubtedly in the main advantageous. It brought to an even 
higher pitch their desire for education ; it bound them more 
closely together ; brought them under the influence, to a greater 
degree, of the better class of leaders, and as a natural result 
the first ten years of Abdul Hamid's reign were coincident 
with an even greater advance in the general condition of the 
nation than had been made during the preceding twenty years. 
Parallel with this, however, there was another development, 
the result of two influences : the free thought of central Europe 
and the pressure brought to bear by their compatriots in the 
Caucasus. 

Here we should turn aside to refer to that section of the 
Armenian nation under Russian rule. When Russia con- 
quered the Caucasus, and drove the Persians south of the 
Aras and Schamyl's followers into Turkey, she found that for 
the development of the new territory she must depend chiefly 
upon the Armenians, who had already come in in consider- 
able numbers. Accordingly they were made welcome and 
for some time a good degree of freedom was allowed them. 
Their national church was not interfered with, and though 
their schools were under close supervision, they were not 
prevented from developing to a considerable degree their 
national life. At the same time they were practically unre- 
stricted in trade. The easy-going Georgians were no match 
for them, and in Tiflis, Schemachi, Shusha, Baku, Erivan, 
Armenian influence became very strong, so that it was not 
surprising that there arose a dream of national independence. 
They probably did not expect to wrest any portion of Russian 
territory from the hand of the Czar, but they did apparently 



REPRESSION COMMENCED. II9 

hope for a revival of ancient Armenia in that portion under 
Turkish rule. So long however as their condition in Russia 
was fairly comfortable they made little attempt in that direc- 
tion. But it became apparent to the Russian Government as 
the years went by that there was danger lest they find diffi- 
culty in carrying out the general policy of the empire, which 
was to weld its very heterogeneous population into a solid 
mass. Accordingly a system of repression was commenced. 
Everywhere the Armenians felt the severe iron hand that 
drove the people on the Baltic to despair. Their schools 
were more and more interfered with. Their monastery and 
its theological department at Etchmiadzine were watched 
with the eye of a detective, and both in the choice of the 
Catholicos (the Primate of the Armenian Church) and in the 
conduct of his office, the authority of the Holy Synod was 
exercised in no slight degree. Naturally the people became 
restive. They had seen the success of the Pan-Slavist Com- 
mittee in stirring up the disturbances in the Balkan Penin- 
sula, and they conceived the plan of accomplishing the same 
thing for their compatriots in Turkey. The fuller statement 
of this will come in a later chapter on the Rise of the 
Armenian Question. Here we note simply that the general 
effect upon the Armenian people was to create still more of 
dissatisfaction with their situation under the Turkish rule and 
fill their minds with visions of political independence. 

Parallel with this was the other influence referred to, that 
of the free thought of Central Europe. The young men who 
had been educated in the schools of France and Germany 
had become acquainted with the stories of the revolutions 
that marked the close of the eighteenth and the early half of 
the nineteenth century. Lacking the substantial basis of 



120 PROTEST TO EUROPE. 

careful investigation, not even knowing, or at least not recog- 
nizing, the true character of their own history, they sought to 
enkindle a flame not so much of revolt against the Turkish 
Government as of protest to Europe against that govern- 
ment's oppression. Had it not been for the irreligion, even 
atheism, that characterized their movement, they might per- 
haps have had greater influence. In fact they accomplished 
very little, for they immediately encountered the general con- 
servatism of the nation, which declined to commit itself to 
the leadership of those who had thrown aside to such a de- 
gree the restraints of the Church. This was assisted by the 
conviction, or at least the fear, that these men were not so 
much interested in the general welfare of the people as in 
procuring opportunities for political advancement for them- 
selves, and by the fact that for the most part they were out 
of the country and not liable to suffer themselves in case of 
trouble. The result was that there was no unity of action or 
of sentiment. No one man or body of men were authorized 
to speak for the nation. Individuals set forth their personal 
opinions, but there was no telling to what extent they repre- 
sented the people. Constant intrigues weakened the power 
of the Patriarch at Constantinople, the civil head of the 
nation, and affected the choice of the Catholicos, at Etchmiad- 
zine, its religious head. Furthermore, the very rigid censor- 
ship of the press, the oppressive and absurd school laws, and 
even the restrictions on travel, which made it no easy matter 
for an Armenian to go from one section of the empire to 
another, all combined to prevent any united action or even 
sentiment. 

In general the condition of the rural districts had grown 
worse. Kurds, Circassians and Lazes held the greater por- 



GENERAL CONDITION. 121 

tion of the plains of Eastern Turkey, having dispossessed 
the Armenians, without making good their place so far as tax- 
paying was concerned. The result was that when the col- 
lector came around, he found the revenue much diminished, 
unless he could squeeze the same amount out of half the 
people. In the mountains there was occasionally successful 
resistance to the raids of freebooters, but that had grown 
more difficult since the organization of the Hamidieh Kurdish 
cavalry. On the other hand, in the towns and cities, the 
Armenians were advancing, at least in material prosperity. 
Not merely the trade and banking but the real estate had 
come very largely into their hands. They were on the whole 
wealthier and more comfortable. With material prosperity, 
however, there had not come proportionate intellectual and 
moral power, and the description given above was increas- 
ingly true. 

The bearing of all this upon the question of their autonomy 
and independence as a nation is evident. That the Ar- 
menians have very many of the qualities that make a suc- 
cessful nation no one will deny. Their ability is undoubted. 
Their race tenacity evidenced in their loyalty to their faith, 
even in its weaker form, and the hold that their laneuao-e has 
even upon those with whom it ceased to be vernacular, mark 
them as a people of power. Their faculty of adaptation to new 
circumstances in the use of any means that come to hand 
would ensure in marked degree success in meeting new 
emergencies. The mutual jealousy and inordinate self-seek- 
ing that have hitherto proved so serious a hindrance to their 
general advancement might very likely be overcome were 
they compelled by force of circumstances to waive personal 
feeling or see everything collapse. Men who could fight to- 



122 COSMOPOLITAN CHARACTER. 

gether as did the Armenians of Zeitun must have the best 
elements of patriotism. For the overcoming of these ob- 
stacles, however, it is essential that there be the pressure of 
outside circumstances. In the case of the Armenians that 
pressure was absolutely lacking. They were very differently 
situated from the Bulgarians, who were in the overwhelming 
majority in their own country, which moreover is compact. 
The Armenians are scattered over the whole Turkish Em- 
pire, and there are wide differences between those of different 
sections. The mountaineers of Bitlis can neither understand 
the language nor appreciate the ideas of the villager of 
Harput, much less those of the merchant of Smyrna or Con- 
stantinople. The men of Aintab and Adana, with their 
Turkish, can scarcely confer, still less associate intimately, 
with those of Marsovan. 

Thus the very cosmopolitan character of the nation, its ver- 
satility and ability, all operate to prevent what the Armenian 
nationalists so much desire, and these characteristics must be 
kept in mind if we would form an approximately correct idea 
of the nation. 

A word should be said about Armenians outside of their 
own country. As a rule Armenians do not make a pleasant 
impression upon the people of other countries. They are 
looked upon as tricky, scheming, unreliable. Where they 
have formed colonies of some size, as in New England and 
California, they are contrasted to their own great disadvan- 
tage with the communities of Scandinavians, Germans, and 
others. Where they appear as individuals in the cities, in 
trade or as artisans, they suffer from similar comparisons. 
In all such cases, certain things must be kept in mind. The 
colonies are almost entirely made up of those who come from 



ORIENTAL CHARACTER. 123 

the poor sections of Asia Minor or Eastern Turkey, and 
even then are deprived of the refining influences of home as 
they have left their families in their own country. They are 
entirely uneducated, accustomed to very different kind of living, 
have not the language facility of those who have lived in Con- 
stantinople, and find it extremely difficult to enter into the new 
life about them. Those who gather in the cities are as a rule 
planning for a return to the East. They purpose to remain 
here long enough to make some money, or secure American 
citizenship, and then to go back to their homes. A few come 
expecting to stay and become loyal American citizens. Such 
as a rule find a cordial welcome and make a good impression. 
Two things must be remembered : the Armenian is essen- 
tially Oriental in his character and the true Oriental does not 
adapt himself easily or speedily to American life ; those who 
know the race most widely and most intimately esteem it the 
most highly. 

No better illustration can be given of the best develop- 
ment of the Armenian character, that which gives hope of 
their ultimate success as a nation, than the position taken by 
the present Armenian Patriarch in Constantinople. Mattheos 
Ismirlian is described by an American resident in Constanti- 
nople, as a man somewhat above medium height, thin and of 
dark complexion, but with strong, resolute face, having the 
large features characteristic of his race. He was born in 
1845, in Constantinople, and received the name Ismirlian (the 
man from Smyrna, Ismir,) from the fact that his grandfather 
was originally a resident of that city. He was educated in 
the Armenian schools, and at the age of nineteen was made 
deacon of the Armenian' Church in one of the Bosporus 
villages. In 1869, he entered the celibate college and was 



124 PATRIARCH MATTHEOS. 

ordained as arch-priest. His ability and industry brought him 
to the front, and he was elected successively secretary to the 
Patriarch, member of the assembly of the community and a 
member of the synod. He was noted as a preacher and 
teacher, simple, direct and intense in his style, and achieved a 
high reputation throughout the nation. He was also rec- 
ognized on every hand as a man of unusual soundness of 
judgment and purity of motive. Seven years later, when 
only thirty-one years of age, he was ordained as bishop and 
was promoted rapidly. In 1886, he was made leader or 
director of the parish of Egypt, where he instituted numer- 
ous improvements, and his service was so efficient as to bring 
for him decorations from King Menelek, of Abyssinia, and 
the Sultan, but more than all, the devotion of his own people. 
After five years of service he returned to Constantinople and 
soon after, when there became necessary the election of a 
Catholicos, his name was prominent among the candidates. 
He refused absolutely to make any effort to secure this prize, 
coveted by every Armenian bishop, and yet his name ranked 
not only among the first four in the assembly, but on the sub- 
sequent ballot was one of the two sent to the Czar for selec- 
tion. The choice fell upon Khrimian, also well and most 
favorably known throughout the nation, but it placed Ismirlian 
in the front rank for further honors. 

In December of 1 894, at the time when the affairs of the 
nation were most critical, as will be understood from the 
chapter on the condition in 1894, the one sentiment of all 
was in favor of him, but the question arose whether the 
Sultan would favor his election. He was well known as a 
man of great resoluteness and patriotism, and one who would 
never yield an iota of what he felt it was right to demand. 




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A TURKISH VILLAGE SHEIKH, probably connected with some one of 
the Dervish orders. Many of them are men of great intelligence and considerable 
force of character, especially those who are the chiefs of large communities. 



LOYALTY TO HIS NATION. 1 27 

He was elected, and contrary to expectation, that election was 
immediately confirmed by the Sultan. From that time on 
the Patriarch has been " in a very real sense the champion 
of his people, bearing their griefs and carrying their sorrows 
as few have done, in an office that has been filled by men of 
conspicuous consecration." Every legal means in his power 
has been used in behalf of his people, and threats of imprison- 
ment or of death have accomplished nothing. Soon after 
his installation he sent to the Minister of Justice a letter ask- 
ing power to appoint new bishops in places where the bishops 
had been imprisoned for varying periods. The reply came 
that the statements about those bishops were false, and their 
withdrawal was demanded. The Patriarch answered, " The 
statements are true, and the truth I cannot withhold." From 
that time to this he has been a thorn in the side of the 
Turkish Government; neither bribes, flattery nor deception 
have availed. Loyal to the Sultan, his loyalty refuses ser- 
vility, as is instanced in his statement to the Sultan in his first 
audience : "As far as my conscience permits me I will obey 
you, but at the same time I must look to the welfare of my 
people." It is scarcely surprising that the Sultan in a rage 
sent him away and omitted the customary decoration. A 
little later, realizing his power with the people, the Sultan 
sent for him and offered him the highest decorations that 
could be given to a civilian subject in the empire. The 
reply came as follows : 

" Your majesty, what have I to do with such things ? I am 
a simple priest. I live on bread and olives, as do my people. 
I have no place in my house for such gorgeous things. I 
pray you, do not ask me to accept them." 

Another illustration of his boldness and firmness is found 



128 HIGH COURAGE. 

in the following statement, made to his people in the installa* 
tion service : " Before God and in presence of this meeting, I 
swear to remain faithful to my government and my nation, 
and to watch over the just and explicit fulfilment of this con- 
stitution (the constitution granted by Abdul Aziz). My un- 
derstanding- of the word faithful is this: faithfulness involves 
on the side of the government protection of life and property. 
Without this, faithfulness on the side of the subject is 
hypocrisy." 

It was not only towards the government, however, that the 
Patriarch had occasion to manifest his high courage. Recog- 
nizing very clearly the absurdities of the revolutionist move- 
ment, he steadily refused to give it any countenance whatever, 
and threats were numerous on the part of the disappointed 
Huntchasfists that he should be killed. He feared this no 
more than the threats of the government, and has steadily pur- 
sued his way, holding to what he felt to be right and best 
for his nation. It is scarcely too much to say that such a 
man deserves the same rank accorded to the great leaders of 
the world, and a nation that can at such a crisis produce such 
a man and stand by him is a nation that under proper train- 
ing, and with favorable circumstances, may be expected to 
develop a high national character. 

The general situation of the Armenians at the present time 
is one that calls for the sympathy of the entire Christian 
world. They have lost a large proportion of .their best men by 
massacre ; throughout the empire it has seemed to be the un- 
wavering purpose of the Turkish Government to cut down 
the very men who had most influence, and who most used 
their influence in behalf of good citizenship and upright life. 
The most conservative estimates, endorsed by the British 



GENERAL SITUATION. 129 

Ambassador at Constantinople, for the sections where there 
has been careful investigation, give the number killed at 
25,000, and admit that the real number is far larger. For a 
nation numbering not more than 2,000,000 within the borders 
of the empire, to lose probably not less than 40,000 or 50,000 
of its best men is a terrible thing, and the loss cannot but 
have a serious effect upon the future development. This, 
however, is not all. Not merely have these lives been blotted 
out, but property to an incalculable degree has been de- 
stroyed. The Armenian nation is shorn of a large part of its 
strength ; whether there is enough left to give it vigor or 
power for the immediate future remains to be seen. The out- 
look is by no means hopeful, and yet seldom in the history of 
the world has the effort to blot out a race been successful. 
Whatever be the political outcome, as set forth in other 
chapters of this book, there can be but one hope for all those 
interested in the Armenian people, and that is, that they may 
by this terrible experience realize their weakness and unite 
their strength for a purer and truer national life than they 
have had at any time, even than many of them have dreamed 
of. This, however, will depend very largely upon the support 
accorded to them by the Christian nations of the world. If 
that support fails, then the responsibility rests, not alone upon 
the Armenians, but to a great degree upon those nations. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Greeks. 

Fidelity of the Oriental Churches — The Apostle Andrew — Concessions by Mohammed II 
Gennadios II — Suffering and Misery — Greek Revolution — Growth of National Spirit — 
Hellenes or Romaioi — Bulgarians in their Relation to the Greek Church. 

TOO much honor cannot be paid to those Christians of the 
East, whatever their church connection, who have 
adhered unswervingly to their faith. The endurance of the 
Covenanters and Huguenots and Waldenses casts a halo, not 
only upon themselves, but upon the human family. It ennobles 
the race that any members of it were capable of such devotion. 
The sufferings of the Eastern Christians have been continuous, 
and may be traced back by a chain, wherein there are no miss- 
ing links, to the day when their remote progenitors were first 
compelled to bow their necks under the foot of a Moslem 
conqueror. 

Bondage, inferiority, contempt, are hard and demoralizing 
teachers. Rapacity, which renders labor fruitless, and insolent 
terrorism, which multiplies devices to make its victims cringe, 
are not favorable to the development of the higher, manlier 
traits, either in an individual or a community. Ignorant, super- 
stitious, untrustworthy, the Eastern Christians too often are. 
Nevertheless, in view of the ceaseless, wearing ordeal which 
(13°) 



GREEK CHURCH. j-j 

they have undergone, their steadfastness and the many other 
virtues they do possess are all the more memorable and praise- 
worthy. Would we, children of the Pilgrim, of the Cavalier, 
of the Maryland Catholic and the Pennsylvania Quaker, have 
endured a like trial any better? Dare we assert that we 
should have borne it as well ? 

In that group of churches the most venerable and the most 
pathetic figure of all is the Eastern Orthodox, or, as it is com- 
monly called in foreign countries, Greek Church. According 
to a tradition, so attested as to seem authentic history, the Apos- 
tle Andrew preached Christianity upon the Bosporus within 
three years of the crucifixion. Weaving into the Sacred story 
" the golden woof-thread of romance," the Byzantine Christians 
loved to tell that the Bosporus reminded the Apostle of his 
native Galilee, and that the first company which met to hear 
him was made up of fishermen like himself. Here he re- 
mained two years and organized a church and consecrated 
Stachys, the "beloved" of St. Paul, first Bishop of Byzantium. 
When Constantine transformed Byzantium into Nova Roma, 
and made her, in place of the older Rome, capital of the 
world, Metrophanes I, twentieth in Episcopal line from Stachys, 
exchanged his humbler title of bishop for the more resound- 
ing appellation of Archbishop of Constantinople, or Ecumen- 
ical Patriarch. 

The Sees of Antioch, Alexandria and Jerusalem, though 
reckoned Apostolic, seemed to the ordinary eye less exalted 
than the ecclesiastical thrones on the Bosporus and the 
Tiber. Between these two pre-eminent arose unchurchly 
rivalries and factional dissensions. Antagonism of East and 
West, more than subtle differences of creed, were to tear 
them asunder. Alternately separated and reunited, in 1053 



1*2 OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. 

the definite, final division came. Then was rent in twain what 
a Greek historian calls " the hitherto seamless garment of 
the undivided church." The cleavage line was as old as 
history and by a meridian of longitude accentuated the aliena- 
tion. The Latins and the Teutons were in one party : the 
Greeks and almost all the Slavs in the other. 

Around the Ecumenical Patriarch were grouped his Oriental 
brethren of the three Apostolic Sees. Second only to the 
Orthodox Byzantine Emperor in power and prominence, and 
by his spiritual functions even more exalted than his sovereign, 
the Patriarch was the most awe-inspiring personage in the 
state. 

In 1453 the gradual overthrow of the empire was con- 
summated by the fall of Constantinople under the resistless 
attack of Sultan Mohammed II. The childless, wifeless 
Constantine XIII was killed while leading the defense. The 
Patriarch Athanasios II, a faithful, feeble old man, disappeared 
and his after fate is a mystery. The former inhabitants of 
the city had either been slain in battle or reduced to slavery, 
or were endeavoring to save themselves by flight. The Sul- 
tan was not only a mighty warrior, but a sagacious statesman. 
He realized the necessity of reassuring the vanquished and 
calling back the fugitives and re-populating the deserted town, 
if his new capital was to be anything more than a soldier's 
camp. So he endeavored to allay the terrors of the Greeks 
and to treat with the only national organization which re- 
mained. The empire had been destroyed, but the church 
still lived. 

He ordered the few surviving bishops to at once choose a 
new patriarch with all old-time formalities and without change 
in the manner of election. The vacant post was as arduous 



SCHOLARIOS. 



T 33 



and dangerous as it was eminent. Doubtless there was no 
desire on the part of any of the prelates to be chosen. The 
suffrages fell upon the austere monk George, surnamed the 
Scholarios. The Sultan wished the same ceremonial of 
investiture should be observed as in happier days under the 
emperors. 

When Scholarios was sought for, he could nowhere be 
found. Up to the conclusion of the siege he had been a 
familiar figure, always fiercely declaiming against the Roman 
Church and inspiring whoever heard him with his own unyield- 
ing fanaticism. Several months of constant search passed 
away, during which the church continued without a visible 
head. At last he was discovered on the farm of a wealthy 
Ottoman at Adrianople. Taken prisonor at the capture, he 
had been sold and sent there as a slave. Released and 
informed of his nomination, the change in his condition could 
have appeared to him only as a change in the form of his 
slavery. A tradition asserts that the Scholarios in his youth 
had been ambitious of church promotion and had always as- 
pired to the primacy of the East. Now that it was thrust 
upon him by a sanguinary and suspicious conqueror, even 
his stout heart may well have shrunk from the obligation. 

Proceeding to Constantinople, he was received with kind- 
ness and honor by the Sultan. The Cathedral Church of 
Sancta Sophia had closed its more than a thousand years of 
Christian history and been made a mosque. The church of 
the Holy Apostles, the Saint Denis of the capital, where the 
emperors from the time of Constantine the Great had found 
a mausoleum, was left in the possession of the Christians and 
had been selected as their chief sanctuary. There the 



134 



THE SULTANAS GUARANTEES. 



Scholarios was consecrated with solemn, imposing, but 
melancholy pomp as Patriarch Gennadios II. 

After his enthronement he was entertained by Mohammed 
II at a magnificent banquet. The Sultan bestowed on him 
a richly jewelled sabre, promised him his protection and 
friendship and on his departure accompanied him to the outer 
door Ridino- on one of the Sultan's war-horses, wearing 
one of the Sultan's robes, attended by the highest of the 
Sultan's officers, he proceeded in state across the city to take 
possession of his ecclesiastical residence. To the few Greeks 
along the way, who cast furtive glances at their Patriarch and 
at his cortege, every detail of his attire and appearance 
must have emphasized the fact that the empire was no longer 
theirs and that their haughty church like themselves was 
fettered and enslaved. 

Gennadios bore with him the still preserved berat or 
written promise of the sovereign, which guaranteed certain 
immunities and religious privileges to the Christians. It was 
therein declared (i) that no person should in any wise inter- 
fere with the ecclesiastical rule of the Patriarch and of his 
successors, (2) that the Patriarch and all the bishops should 
be exempt from tribute, (3) that the churches, not already 
converted into mosques, should be forever retained by the 
Christians in peace and safety, (4) that weddings, baptisms, 
funerals and all other Christian rites and ceremonies should 
be solemnized freely and without molestation, (5) that the 
Christians should observe Easter and all other religious festi- 
vals and fasts with perfect freedom and customary splendor. 
These promises have been often evaded or restricted, and 
sometimes enlarged. Still from that day to the present they 
have been as well kept as such promises usually are, when 



THE MANY PATRIARCHS. 1 35 

made by a stronger to a weaker and when the weaker has no 
means of enforcing- their observance. 

The responsibilities and trials of his position were beyond 
the physical strength of Gennadios. Sympathetic and warm- 
hearted despite his asceticism, the daily spectacle of the suf- 
fering and misery among his flock overtaxed his endurance. 
Utterly worn out, in 1459 he laid down the patriarchal staff 
and withdrew to a monastery in Servia, where he died during 
the following year. 

Since then, in the space of 437 years the throne has been 
occupied by just 100 different patriarchs. The average dura- 
tion of each incumbency has been a little over four years and 
has been almost invariably filled with labor and sorrow. The 
fate of the Patriarch Kyril Loukaris, whose name is more 
familiar in the West than that of almost any other Eastern 
prelate, differed little from that of others of his brethren. 
Slandered and an object of suspicion to the government, 
deposed by order of the Sultan and imprisoned in the fortress 
of Roumeli Hissar upon the Bosporus, then bowstrung and 
his remains cast into the strait, he trod the same path of 
ignominy and martyrdom as Parthenios II, Parthenios III, 
Pa'isios II and many another of the illustrious line. 

The last to meet a violent death at the hand of the Mos- 
lems was the saintly Gregory III, in 1821. The Greek re- 
volution had burst forth in Moldavia and the Peloponnesus. 
The Ottomans rose in a frenzy of rage and terror, furious for 
victims. The Patriarch and his clergy at Constantinople had 
opposed the insurrection and could in no way be accused of 
complicity with the Greek revolutionists. But the sanguin- 
ary Ottoman Government and populace were indifferent as 
to considerations of political innocence or guilt, and eager 



I36 DEATH OF GREGORY II. 

only for blood. On Easter Sunday the Dragoman or Inter- 
preter of the Porte came to the patriarchate and ordered the 
Holy Synod to assemble. Then he communicated the com- 
mand of Sultan Mahmud II, that the See should be con- 
sidered vacant and that they should at once name a new 
Patriarch. Meanwhile the aged Gregory was hung to a 
beam over the great gate in front of his residence and his 
shrinking successor, after induction into his office, was forced 
to pass in formal procession close to the still warm remains. 
The reverent Greeks now point to a black beam in the arch- 
way and in low, awed tones repeat the story of the tragedy. 

It was the idea of Mohammed II that Gennadios should not 
only represent his coreligionists, but be responsible for their 
tranquillity and submission. After each race riot or disturb- 
ance, the Patriarch must exculpate not only the participants 
of disorder, but himself. Most perilous was the honor of 
induction into the patriarchal office to him who filled it. 
Nevertheless the system inaugurated by the conqueror was 
of ultimate advantage in almost every respect to the non- 
Moslem community. 

Under Ottoman domination the centre of the Orthodox 
Eastern Church remained at the same strategic centre, where 
for centuries it had exercised a potent force. Jerusalem, 
Antioch, Alexandria, were not acquired by the Ottoman 
Empire for more than half a century. 

When the patriarchs of those cities, whose Sees had endured 
every vicissitude under Saracens, Kurds and Crusaders, be- 
came in their later turn subjects of the Sultan, they found 
that their patriarchal brother on the Bosporus was already 
acknowledged by the Greeks all through the Turkish domin- 
ions as not only their spiritual father, but as, next to the 



INFLUENCE OF NON-MOSLEM AUTHORITY. I37 

Sultan, their civil head. The time-honored titles of their 
sacerdotal rank still existed. There were no chancres in the 
hierarchy of the changeless Church. Yet to the eye of the 
Moslem and practically to that of the Greek, there was hence- 
forth but one Patriarch. 

The official recognition of a non-Moslem authority as in a 
certain degree representative of a nation and intermediary 
with the Sultan, has exercised vast influence in determining 
the relations of the native Christians with the Porte. It was 
based upon religious grounds, but speedily extended to and 
included civil affairs. It was a natural sequence that the 
course pursued with the Greeks should be followed in dealing 
with other subject peoples. When, after the conquest of the 
Crimea, the Armenian residents at the capital increased, Bishop 
Horaghim was summoned from Brusa and installed Patriarch 
of the Armenians. In time a khakham bashi or Grand Rabbi 
was thus appointed for the Jews, a patriarch for the subject 
Roman Catholics and, no longer ago than 1850, a vekil or 
representative for the Protestants. 

One result, which Mohammed II never dreamed of and 
would have deplored, was inevitable from this system. By it 
every person not a Moslem was bound in closer intimacy to 
the fellow-members of his own distressed community. Each 
was brought moreover into a closer identification of himself 
and his interests with his church. Through that church was 
to be obtained not only salvation in the future life, but what- 
ever alleviation was possible in the present existence. The 
Ottomans have always sought to extirpate the spirit of 
nationality or of any common feeling among the conquered. 
They have welcomed every influence which would apparently 
foster divisions and produce antagonistic factions among those 



i33 



DESIGN OF THE CONSTITUTION. 



whom they ruled. Thus they judged they could play party 
against party, interest against interest, and render each sub- 
servient and pliable to their own control. For a Mussulman 
to change his faith was, till within half a century, a crime 
punishable with death. But they rejoiced at and favored the 
labors of foreign missionaries among such of their subjects as 
were already Christians, thinking that thus there would be a 
multiplication of sects and a larger number of interests to set 
against each other. 

Through the system inaugurated by the Conqueror, unwit- 
tingly in each community the instinct of solidarity was kept 
alive and developed. The intensity of a common sentiment 
among the proscribed was fanned to a hotter glow. Only 
during the last century have the rulers recognized their 
possible mistake. 

The Constitution, craftily devised by the astute Midhat 
Pasha and promulgated in the name of Sultan Abd-ul-Hamid II 
in 1876, was designed to accomplish two results, one foreign 
and one domestic. The former result was to be attained in 
blinding the eyes of Europe to the real internal condition of 
the empire. The latter result should be the gradual but 
entire sweeping away of a policy of internal administration 
which was intrenched in its duration of over four hundred 
years. The scheme, so shrewdly contrived and so elaborate 
in its provisions, utterly failed. Mussulmans and Christians 
alike contemned it. Only for a short time did the Sultan 
himself observe its conditions. It accomplished nothing 
beyond the creation of vexatious questions between the 
government and the Greeks. The latter perceived that their 
scanty privileges were involved. For a time they were almost 
delirious with excitement and ready to resist by every means 



NO NATIONAL FEELING. 



139 



at their command the abrogation of the system. The diplo- 
matic skill of the Sultan conjured the difficulty and the 
annoying issues were forgotten. 

A hundred years ago the feeling of nationality — as we un- 
derstand the word — was practically non-existent among the 
non-Moslems except the Greeks. With them it was always 
keenly alive, even when destitute of outward expression. 
But among the other peoples a stranger would have concluded 
that that sentiment, so mastering to-day, was extinct. Even 
forty years ago politics seemed restricted, not only by neces- 
sity, but by common consent and preference, to ecclesiastical 
questions. 

In European Turkey and Asia Minor, almost every non- 
Moslem, if not an Armenian or a Jew, was an adherent of the 
Orthodox Greek Church and hence, whatever his blood and 
vernacular, was reckoned and denominated a Greek. Up to 
the Greek revolution, every communicant of that church, 
whether Servian, Wallachian, Moldavian, Bulgarian, Bosnian 
or Orthodox Albanian, spoke of himself as such. Further 
examination would have revealed that these foster children 
of the church founded by Saint Andrew, these worshippers 
following the Byzantine ritual, recognized a broad distinc- 
tion between themselves and the real Greeks. But a com- 
munity of administrative and religious interests dwarfed 
so small considerations as those of lanofuaofe and race. Each 
readily accepted the label which circumstances had placed 
upon him. 

The Hellenes or Romaioi, in whom the traditional pride and 
ambition through all their deo-rading- servitude never slum- 
bered, rejoiced in this state of things which was to their political 
advantage, and did their utmost to expand and intensify it. 



I40 BULGARIA S DEMANDS RESISTED. 

With a lively appreciation of the past and an ardent anticipa- 
tion of the future, they looked forward to the time when the 
Moslem domination should be swept away, and all the 
various tribes south of the Danube be readily absorbed in 
a resurrected Byzantine Empire. 

It is a natural fact that the self-assertive sense of ignored 
nationality was first manifested in an ecclesiastical phase. 
The herald, for example, of the rousing- of Bulgaria was the 
universal demand among that people that the bishops, sent to 
the region inhabited by them between the Danube and the 
Balkans, should be not Hellenes but Bulgarians. All should 
receive appointment and consecration as before from the 
Ecumenical Patriarch, but it was fitting that they should be 
of the same branch of the human family as the flocks to which 
they were sent. Every detail of creed and ceremonial was 
to remain unchanged. If the course hitherto pursued was 
followed, each new bishop on arrival in his diocese was 
regarded as an unwelcome foreigner. If the now longed for 
innovation was made, he would be hailed as one of their own 
kith and kin, from whose lips they would listen to their own 
tongue. The Patriarch and Holy Synod obstinately resisted 
the demand. If granted, it seemed to shatter every hope of 
an ultimately to-be-restored Greek dominion. Every argu- 
ment, which ingenuity could suggest or which superstition 
and ignorance might heed, was devised to quiet the awakened 
aspiration. In the gospel there was neither Greek nor Jew; 
therefore it made no difference from what nationality a bishop 
was chosen ; therefore it was appropriate that all the bishops 
should be Greeks ! 

In the peculiar medley of Eastern affairs, the final decision 
was to be rendered by no Christian organization, but by the 



ANATHEMATIZED. 



141 



Mussulman Sultan. After months of delay it was announced 
and it was favorably to the Bulgarians. Forthwith the Bul- 
garians were anathematized by the Holy Synod, not for any 
error of doctrine or depravity of life, but on account of ecclesi- 
astical insubordination. Lo, though Orthodox on every 
point, holding in all its minutiae the Orthodox creed, theirs is 
in the eyes of the Greeks a Schismatic Church. It is how- 
ever in full communion and paternal fellowship with the 
Orthodox Church of Russia. The position of the Bulgarian 
Church is in other respects anomalous. Its spiritual head or 
exarch is confirmed by the Sultan and resides not in Bulgaria, 
but in Constantinople, where there are almost no Bulgarians, 
and near the palace of the Sultan. 

Gradually during the century, territories have been lopped 
off from the Ottoman Empire and erected into sovereign 
states. Such are Greece, Rumania and Servia. Montenegro 
might be reckoned in the number, save that the heroic hand 
of mountaineers, which lives in her restricted limits, never 
acknowledged subjection. As political independence was 
achieved, there was a galling impropriety in the fact that a 
people, politically free, should bow to the ecclesiastical control 
of a religious organization over which the Sultan was master. 
So naturally and without shock have arisen churches autono- 
mous, but revering the Ecumenical Patriarch as in rank and 
functions superior to any other prelate. 

As the Ottoman Empire shrinks and outlying provinces 
drop away or are absorbed by neighboring states, the direct 
jurisdiction of the Orthodox Church of Constantinople is 
circumscribed in equal degree, but her indirect influence 
knows no diminution or change. Her lone-bearded, black- 
robed clergy are the most imposing priestly body in the 



142 GLORY IN THEIR FAITH. 

world. An assembly of her bishops transports the stranger 
to the early Christian centuries with their hoary titles of Nice 
and Nicomedia and Chalkedon and Ephesus. Her formal wor- 
ship is the most elaborate rendered in the name of Chris- 
tianity. The devotion of her sons and daughters has grown 
the stronger in their common humiliation and distress. The 
active, tumultuous West may reproach her as unprogressive 
and inactive and lifeless. But her children glory in her and 
the Christian world may glory in her, as the Apostle of the 
Gentiles gloried in the Thessalonian Church, for the patience 
and the faith in all the persecutions and the tribulations which 
she endured. 



LOYALTY TO HIS NATION. 



127 



He was elected, and contrary to expectation, that election was 
immediately confirmed by the Sultan. From that time on 
the Patriarch has been " in a very real sense the champion 
of his people, bearing their griefs and carrying their sorrows 
as few have done, in an office that has been filled by men of 
conspicuous consecration." Every legal means in his power 
has been used in behalf of his people, and threats of imprison- 
ment or of death have accomplished nothing. Soon after 
his installation he sent to the Minister of Justice a letter ask- 
ing power to appoint new bishops in places where the bishops 
had been imprisoned for varying periods. The reply came 
that the statements about those bishops were false, and their 
withdrawal was demanded. The Patriarch answered, " The 
statements are true, and the truth I cannot withhold." From 
that time to this he has been a thorn in the side of the 
Turkish Government; neither bribes, flattery no«* deception 
have availed. Loyal to the Sultan, his loyalty refuses ser- 
vility, as is instanced in his statement to the Sultan in his first 
audience : "As far as my conscience permits me I will obey 
you, but at the same time I must look to the welfare of my 
people." It is scarcely surprising that the Sultan in a rage 
sent him away and omitted the customary decoration. A 
little later, realizing his power with the people, the Sultan 
sent for him and offered him the highest decorations that 
could be given to a civilian subject in the empire. The 
reply came as follows : 

" Your majesty, what have I to do with such things ? I am 
a simple priest. I live on bread and olives, as do my people. 
I have no place in my house for such gorgeous things. I 
pray you, do not ask me to accept them." 

Another illustration of his boldness and firmness is found 



128 HIGH COURAGE. 

in the following statement, made to his people in the installa« 
tion service : " Before God and in presence of this meeting, I 
swear to remain faithful to my government and my nation, 
and to watch over the just and explicit fulfilment of this con- 
stitution (the constitution granted by Abdul Aziz). My un- 
derstanding - of the word faithful is this: faithfulness involves 
on the side of the government protection of life and property. 
Without this, faithfulness on the side of the subject is 
hypocrisy." 

It was not only towards the government, however, that the 
Patriarch had occasion to manifest his high courage. Recog- 
nizing very clearly the absurdities of the revolutionist move- 
ment, he steadily refused to give it any countenance whatever, 
and threats were numerous on the part of the disappointed 
Huntchagists that he should be killed. He feared this no 
more than the threats of the government, and has steadily pur- 
sued his way, holding to what he felt to be right and best 
for his nation. It is scarcely too much to say that such a 
man deserves the same rank accorded to the great leaders of 
the world, and a nation that can at such a crisis produce such 
a man and stand by him is a nation that under proper train- 
ing, and with favorable circumstances, may be expected to 
develop a high national character. 

The general situation of the Armenians at the present time 
is one that calls for the sympathy of the entire Christian 
world. They have lost a large proportion of their best men by 
massacre ; throughout the empire it has seemed to be the un- 
wavering purpose of the Turkish Government to cut down 
the very men who had most influence, and who most used 
their influence in behalf of good citizenship and upright life. 
The most conservative estimates, endorsed by the British 



GENERAL SITUATION. I2 g 

Ambassador at Constantinople, for the sections where there 
has been careful investigation, give the number killed at 
25,000, and admit that the real number is far larger For a 
nation numbering not more than 2,000,000 within the borders 
of the empire, to lose probably not less than 40,000 or 50,000 
of ,ts best men is a terrible thing, and the loss cannot but 
have a senous effect upon the future development. This 
however, is not all. Not merely have these lives been blotted 
out, but property to an incalculable degree has been de- 
stroyed The Armenian nation is shorn of a large part of its 
strength; whether there is enough left to give it vigor or 
power for the immediate future remains to be seen. The out. 
look is by no means hopeful, and yet seldom in the history of 
he world has the effort to blot out a race been successful. 
Whatever be the political outcome, as set forth in other 
chapters of this book, there can be but one hope for all those 
interested in the Armenian people, and that is, that they may 
by this terrible experience realize their weakness and unite 
their strength for a purer and truer national life than they 

r e .rL 1' any time ' eVe " th , an man y of them have dreamed 
of. This, however, will depend very largely upon the support 
accorded to them by the Christian nations of the world If 
that support fails, then the responsibility rests, not alone upon 
the Armemans, but to a great degree upon those nations. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Greeks. 

Fidelity of the Oriental Churches — The Apostle Andrew — Concessions by Mohammed II 
Gennadios II — Suffering and Misery — Greek Revolution — Growth of National Spirit — 
Hellenes or Romaioi — Bulgarians in their Relation to the Greek Church. 

TOO much honor cannot be paid to those Christians of the 
East, whatever their church connection, who have 
adhered unswervingly to their faith. The endurance of the 
Covenanters and Huguenots and Waldenses casts a halo, not 
only upon themselves, but upon the human family. It ennobles 
the race that any members of it were capable of such devotion. 
The sufferings of the Eastern Christians have been continuous, 
and may be traced back by a chain, wherein there are no miss- 
ing links, to the day when their remote progenitors were first 
compelled to bow their necks under the foot of a Moslem 
conqueror. 

Bondage, inferiority, contempt, are hard and demoralizing 
teachers. Rapacity, which renders labor fruitless, and insolent 
terrorism, which multiplies devices to make its victims cringe, 
are not favorable to the development of the higher, manlier 
traits, either in an individual or a community. Ignorant, super- 
stitious, untrustworthy, the Eastern Christians too often are. 
Nevertheless, in view of the ceaseless, wearing ordeal which 
(13°) 



GREEK CHURCH. j* z 

they have undergone, their steadfastness and the many other 
virtues they do possess are all the more memorable and praise- 
worthy. Would we, children of the Pilgrim, of the Cavalier, 
of the Maryland Catholic and the Pennsylvania Quaker, have 
endured a like trial any better? Dare we assert that we 
should have borne it as well ? 

In that group of churches the most venerable and the most 
pathetic figure of all is the Eastern Orthodox, or, as it is com- 
monly called in foreign countries, Greek Church. According 
to a tradition, so attested as to seem authentic history, the Apos- 
tle Andrew preached Christianity upon the Bosporus within 
three years of the crucifixion. Weaving into the Sacred story 
" the golden woof-thread of romance," the Byzantine Christians 
loved to tell that the Bosporus reminded the Apostle of his 
native Galilee, and that the first company which met to hear 
him was made up of fishermen like himself. Here he re- 
mained two years and organized a church and consecrated 
Stachys, the " beloved " of St. Paul, first Bishop of Byzantium. 
When Constantine transformed Byzantium into Nova Roma, 
and made her, in place of the older Rome, capital of the 
world, Metrophanes I, twentieth in Episcopal line from Stachys, 
exchanged his humbler title of bishop for the more resound- 
ing appellation of Archbishop of Constantinople, or Ecumen- 
ical Patriarch. 

The Sees of Antioch, Alexandria and Jerusalem, though 
reckoned Apostolic, seemed to the ordinary eye less exalted 
than the ecclesiastical thrones on the Bosporus and the 
Tiber. Between these two pre-eminent arose unchurchly 
rivalries and factional dissensions. Antagonism of East and 
West, more than subtle differences of creed, were to tear 
them asunder. Alternately separated and reunited, in 1053 



X<?2 OVERTHROW OF THE EMPIRE. 

the definite, final division came. Then was rent in twain what 
a Greek historian calls " the hitherto seamless garment of 
the undivided church." The cleavage line was as old as 
history and by a meridian of longitude accentuated the aliena- 
tion. The Latins and the Teutons were in one party : the 
Greeks and almost all the Slavs in the other. 

Around the Ecumenical Patriarch were grouped his Oriental 
brethren of the three Apostolic Sees. Second only to the 
Orthodox Byzantine Emperor in power and prominence, and 
by his spiritual functions even more exalted than his sovereign, 
the Patriarch was the most awe-inspiring personage in the 
state. 

In 1453 the gradual overthrow of the empire was con- 
summated by the fall of Constantinople under the resistless 
attack of Sultan Mohammed II. The childless, wifeless 
Constantine XIII was killed while leading the defense. The 
Patriarch Athanasios II, a faithful, feeble old man, disappeared 
and his after fate is a mystery. The former inhabitants of 
the city had either been slain in battle or reduced to slavery, 
or were endeavoring to save themselves by flight. The Sul- 
tan was not only a mighty warrior, but a sagacious statesman. 
He realized the necessity of reassuring the vanquished and 
calling back the fugitives and re-populating the deserted town, 
if his new capital was to be anything more than a soldier's 
camp. So he endeavored to allay the terrors of the Greeks 
and to treat with the only national organization which re- 
mained. The empire had been destroyed, but the church 
still lived. 

He ordered the few surviving bishops to at once choose a 
new patriarch with all old-time formalities and without change 
in the manner of election. The vacant post was as arduous 



SCHOLARIOS. I33 

and dangerous as it was eminent. Doubtless there was no 
desire on the part of any of the prelates to be chosen. The 
suffrages fell upon the austere monk George, surnamed the 
Scholarios. The Sultan wished the same ceremonial of 
investiture should be observed as in happier days under the 
emperors. 

When Scholarios was sought for, he could nowhere be 
found. Up to the conclusion of the siege he had been a 
familiar figure, always fiercely declaiming against the Roman 
Church and inspiring whoever heard him with his own unyield- 
ing fanaticism. Several months of constant search passed 
away, during which the church continued without a visible 
head. At last he was discovered on the farm of a wealthy 
Ottoman at Adrianople. Taken prisonor at the capture, he 
had been sold and sent there as a slave. Released and 
informed of his nomination, the change in his condition could 
have appeared to him only as a change in the form of his 
slavery. A tradition asserts that the Scholarios in his youth 
had been ambitious of church promotion and had always as- 
pired to the primacy of the East. Now that it was thrust 
upon him by a sanguinary and suspicious conqueror, even 
his stout heart may well have shrunk from the obligation. 

Proceeding to Constantinople, he was received with kind- 
ness and honor by the Sultan. The Cathedral Church of 
Sancta Sophia had closed its more than a thousand years of 
Christian history and been made a mosque. The church of 
the Holy Apostles, the Saint Denis of the capital, where the 
emperors from the time of Constantine the Great had found 
a mausoleum, was left in the possession of the Christians and 
had been selected as their chief sanctuary. There the 



134 THE sultan's guarantees. 

Scholarios was consecrated with solemn, imposing, but 
melancholy pomp as Patriarch Gennadios II. 

After his enthronement he was entertained by Mohammed 
II at a magnificent banquet. The Sultan bestowed on him 
a richly jewelled sabre, promised him his protection and 
friendship and on his departure accompanied him to the outer 
door. Riding- on one of the Sultan's war-horses, wearing 
one of the Sultan's robes, attended by the highest of the 
Sultan's officers, he proceeded in state across the city to take 
possession of his ecclesiastical residence. To the few Greeks 
along the way, who cast furtive glances at their Patriarch and 
at his cortege, every detail of his attire and appearance 
must have emphasized the fact that the empire was no longer 
theirs and that their haughty church like themselves was 
fettered and enslaved. 

Gennadios bore with him the still preserved berat or 
written promise of the sovereign, which guaranteed certain 
immunities and religious privileges to the Christians. It was 
therein declared (i) that no person should in any wise inter- 
fere with the ecclesiastical rule of the Patriarch and of his 
successors, (2) that the Patriarch and all the bishops should 
be exempt from tribute, (3) that the churches, not already 
converted into mosques, should be forever retained by the 
Christians in peace and safety, (4) that weddings, baptisms, 
funerals and all other Christian rites and ceremonies should 
be solemnized freely and without molestation, (5) that the 
Christians should observe Easter and all other religious festi- 
vals and fasts with perfect freedom and customary splendor. 
These promises have been often evaded or restricted, and 
sometimes enlarged. Still from that day to the present they 
have been as well kept as such promises usually are, when 



THE MANY PATRIARCHS. 1 35 

made by a stronger to a weaker and when the weaker has no 
means of enforcing- their observance. 

The responsibilities and trials of his position were beyond 
the physical strength of Gennadios. Sympathetic and warm- 
hearted despite his asceticism, the daily spectacle of the suf- 
fering and misery among his flock overtaxed his endurance. 
Utterly worn out, in 1459 he laid down the patriarchal staff 
and withdrew to a monastery in Servia, where he died during 
the following year. 

Since then, in the space of 437 years the throne has been 
occupied by just 100 different patriarchs. The average dura- 
tion of each incumbency has been a little over four years and 
has been almost invariably filled with labor and sorrow. The 
fate of the Patriarch Kyril Loukaris, whose name is more 
familiar in the West than that of almost any other Eastern 
prelate, differed little from that of others of his brethren. 
Slandered and an object of suspicion to the government, 
deposed by order of the Sultan and imprisoned in the fortress 
of Roumeli Hissar upon the Bosporus, then bowstrung and 
his remains cast into the strait, he trod the same path of 
ignominy and martyrdom as Parthenios II, Parthenios III, 
Paisios II and many another of the illustrious line. 

The last to meet a violent death at the hand of the Mos- 
lems was the saintly Gregory III, in 1821. The Greek re- 
volution had burst forth in Moldavia and the Peloponnesus. 
The Ottomans rose in a frenzy of rage and terror, furious for 
victims. The- Patriarch and his clergy at Constantinople had 
opposed the insurrection and could in no way be accused of 
complicity with the Greek revolutionists. But the sanguin- 
ary Ottoman Government and populace were indifferent as 
to considerations of political innocence or guilt, and eager 



I36 DEATH OF GREGORY II. 

only for blood. On Easter Sunday the Dragoman or Inter- 
preter of the Porte came to the patriarchate and ordered the 
Holy Synod to assemble. Then he communicated the com- 
mand of Sultan Mahmud II, that the See should be con- 
sidered vacant and that they should at once name a new 
Patriarch. Meanwhile the aged Gregory was hung to a 
beam over the great gate in front of his residence and his 
shrinking successor, after induction into his office, was forced 
to pass in formal procession close to the still warm remains. 
The reverent Greeks now point to a black beam in the arch- 
way and in low, awed tones repeat the story of the tragedy. 

It was the idea of Mohammed II that Gennadios should not 
only represent his coreligionists, but be responsible for their 
tranquillity and submission. After each race riot or disturb- 
ance, the Patriarch must exculpate not only the participants 
of disorder, but himself. Most perilous was the honor of 
induction into the patriarchal office to him who filled it. 
Nevertheless the system inaugurated by the conqueror was 
of ultimate advantage in almost every respect to the non- 
Moslem community. 

Under Ottoman domination the centre of the Orthodox 
Eastern Church remained at the same strategic centre, where 
for centuries it had exercised a potent force. Jerusalem, 
Antioch, Alexandria, were not acquired by the Ottoman 
Empire for more than half a century. 

When the patriarchs of those cities, whose Sees had endured 
every vicissitude under Saracens, Kurds and Crusaders, be- 
came in their later turn subjects of the Sultan, they found 
that their patriarchal brother on the Bosporus was already 
acknowledged by the Greeks all through the Turkish domin- 
ions as not only their spiritual father, but as, next to the 



INFLUENCE OF NON-MOSLEM AUTHORITY. I37 

Sultan, their civil head. The time-honored titles of their 
sacerdotal rank still existed. There were no changes in the 

o 

hierarchy of the changeless Church. Yet to the eye of the 
Moslem and practically to that of the Greek, there was hence- 
forth but one Patriarch. 

The official recognition of a non-Moslem authority as in a 
certain degree representative of a nation and intermediary 
with the Sultan, has exercised vast influence in determining 
the relations of the native Christians with the Porte. It was 
based upon religious grounds, but speedily extended to and 
included civil affairs. It was a natural sequence that. the 
course pursued with the Greeks should be followed in dealing 
with other subject peoples. When, after the conquest of the 
Crimea, the Armenian residents at the capital increased, Bishop 
Horaghim was summoned from Brusa and installed Patriarch 
of the Armenians. In time a khakham bashi or Grand Rabbi 
was thus appointed for the Jews, a patriarch for the subject 
Roman Catholics and, no longer ago than 1850, a vekil or 
representative for the Protestants. 

One result, which Mohammed II never dreamed of and 
would have deplored, was inevitable from this system. By it 
every person not a Moslem was bound in closer intimacy to 
the fellow-members of his own distressed community. Each 
was brought moreover into a closer identification of himself 
and his interests with his church. Through that church was 
to be obtained not only salvation in the future life, but what- 
ever alleviation was possible in the present existence. The 
Ottomans have always sought to extirpate the spirit of 
nationality or of any common feeling among the conquered. 
They have welcomed every influence which would apparently 
foster divisions and produce antagonistic factions among those 



T ^3 DESIGN OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

whom they ruled. Thus they judged they could play party 
against party, interest against interest, and render each sub- 
servient and pliable to their own control. For a Mussulman 
to change his faith was, till within half a century, a crime 
punishable with death. But they rejoiced at and favored the 
labors of foreign missionaries among such of their subjects as 
were already Christians, thinking that thus there would be a 
multiplication of sects and a larger number of interests to set 
against each other. 

Through the system inaugurated by the Conqueror, unwit- 
tingly in each community the instinct of solidarity was kept 
alive and developed. The intensity of a common sentiment 
among the proscribed was fanned to a hotter glow. Only 
during the last century have the rulers recognized their 
possible mistake. 

The Constitution, craftily devised by the astute Midhat 
Pasha and promulgated in the name of Sultan Abd-ul-Hamid II 
in 1876, was designed to accomplish two results, one foreign 
and one domestic. The former result was to be attained in 
blinding the eyes of Europe to the real internal condition of 
the empire. The latter result should be the gradual but 
entire sweeping away of a policy of internal administration 
which was intrenched in its duration of over four hundred 
years. The scheme, so shrewdly contrived and so elaborate 
in its provisions, utterly failed. Mussulmans and Christians 
alike contemned it. Only for a short time did the Sultan 
himself observe its conditions. It accomplished nothing 
beyond the creation of vexatious questions between the 
government and the Greeks. The latter perceived that their 
scanty privileges were involved. For a time they were almost 
delirious with excitement and ready to resist by every means 



NO NATIONAL FEELING. 



139 



at their command the abrogation of the system. The diplo- 
matic skill of the Sultan conjured the difficulty and the 
annoying issues were forgotten. 

A hundred years ago the feeling of nationality — as we un- 
derstand the word — was practically non-existent among the 
non-Moslems except the Greeks. With them it was always 
keenly alive, even when destitute of outward expression. 
But among the other peoples a stranger would have concluded 
that that sentiment, so mastering to-day, was extinct. Even 
forty years ago politics seemed restricted, not only by neces- 
sity, but by common consent and preference, to ecclesiastical 
questions. 

In European Turkey and Asia Minor, almost every non- 
Moslem, if not an Armenian or a Jew, was an adherent of the 
Orthodox Greek Church and hence, whatever his blood and 
vernacular, was reckoned and denominated a Greek. Up to 
the Greek revolution, every communicant of that church, 
whether Servian, Wallachian, Moldavian, Bulgarian, Bosnian 
or Orthodox Albanian, spoke of himself as such. Further 
examination would have revealed that these foster children 
of the church founded by Saint Andrew, these worshippers 
following the Byzantine ritual, recognized a broad distinc- 
tion between themselves and the real Greeks. But a com- 
munity of administrative and religious interests dwarfed 
so small considerations as those of langfuaofe and race. Each 
readily accepted the label which circumstances had placed 
upon him. 

The Hellenes or Romaioi, in whom the traditional pride and 
ambition through all their degradine servitude never slum- 
bered, rejoiced in this state of things which was to their political 
advantage, and did their utmost to expand and intensify it. 



I40 BULGARIA S DEMANDS RESISTED. 

With a lively appreciation of the past and an ardent anticipa- 
tion of the future, they looked forward to the time when the 
Moslem domination should be swept away, and all the 
various tribes south of the Danube be readily absorbed in 
a resurrected Byzantine Empire. 

It is a natural fact that the self-assertive sense of ignored 
nationality was first manifested in an ecclesiastical phase. 
The herald, for example, of the rousing of Bulgaria was the 
universal demand among that people that the bishops, sent to 
the region inhabited by them between the Danube and the 
Balkans, should be not Hellenes but Bulgarians. All should 
receive appointment and consecration as before from the 
Ecumenical Patriarch, but it was fitting that they should be 
of the same branch of the human family as the flocks to which 
they were sent. Every detail of creed and ceremonial was 
to remain unchanged. If the course hitherto pursued was 
followed, each new bishop on arrival in his diocese was 
regarded as an unwelcome foreigner. If the now longed for 
innovation was made, he would be hailed as one of their own 
kith and kin, from whose lips they would listen to their own 
tongue. The Patriarch and Holy Synod obstinately resisted 
the demand. If granted, it seemed to shatter every hope of 
an ultimately to-be-restored Greek dominion. Every argu- 
ment, which ingenuity could suggest or which superstition 
and ignorance might heed, was devised to quiet the awakened 
aspiration. In the gospel there was neither Greek nor Jew; 
therefore it made no difference from what nationality a bishop 
was chosen ; therefore it was appropriate that all the bishops 
should be Greeks ! 

In the peculiar medley of Eastern affairs, the final decision 
was to be rendered by no Christian organization, but by the 



ANATHEMATIZED. 



141 



Mussulman Sultan. After months of delay it was announced 
and it was favorably to the Bulgarians. Forthwith the Bul- 
garians were anathematized by the Holy Synod, not for any 
error of doctrine or depravity of life, but on account of ecclesi- 
astical insubordination. Lo, though Orthodox on every 
point, holding in all its minutiae the Orthodox creed, theirs is 
in the eyes of the Greeks a Schismatic Church. It is how- 
ever in full communion and paternal fellowship with the 
Orthodox Church of Russia. The position of the Bulgarian 
Church is in other respects anomalous. Its spiritual head or 
exarch is confirmed by the Sultan and resides not in Bulgaria, 
but in Constantinople, where there are almost no Bulgarians, 
and near the palace of the Sultan. 

Gradually during the century, territories have been lopped 
off from the Ottoman Empire and erected into sovereign 
states. Such are Greece, Rumania and Servia. Montenegro 
mio-ht be reckoned in the number, save that the heroic hand 
of mountaineers, which lives in her restricted limits, never 
acknowledged subjection. As political independence was 
achieved, there was a galling impropriety in the fact that a 
people, politically free, should bow to the ecclesiastical control 
of a religious organization over which the Sultan was master. 
So naturally and without shock have arisen churches autono- 
mous, but revering the Ecumenical Patriarch as in rank and 
functions superior to any other prelate. 

As the Ottoman Empire shrinks and outlying provinces 
drop away or are absorbed by neighboring states, the direct 
jurisdiction of the Orthodox Church of Constantinople is 
circumscribed in equal degree, but her indirect influence 
knows no diminution or change. Her long-bearded, black- 
robed clergy are the most imposing priestly body in the 



142 



GLORY IN THEIR FAITH. 



world. An assembly of her bishops transports the stranger 
to the early Christian centuries with their hoary titles of Nice 
and Nicomedia and Chalkedon and Ephesus. Her formal wor- 
ship is the most elaborate rendered in the name of Chris- 
tianity. The devotion of her sons and daughters has grown 
the stronger in their common humiliation and distress. The 
active, tumultuous West may reproach her as unprogressive 
and inactive and lifeless. But her children glory in her and 
the Christian world may glory in her, as the Apostle of the 
Gentiles gloried in the Thessalonian Church, for the patience 
and the faith in all the persecutions and the tribulations which 
she endured. 




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CHAPTER VIII. 

OTHER ORIENTAL CHURCHES. 

The Syrian Church Divided into Syrians, Chaldeans, Nestorians, Jacobites, and some 
Roman Catholic Bodies— The Jacobites— Patriarch of Antioch— Condition of Villagers 
— Jebel Tur Region— Nestorians— Patriarch of Babylon— Badir Khan Bey— Chal- 
deans— The Copts of Egypt— Maronites and Druzes. 

IN the provinces of Mesopotamia and Kurdistan in Eastern 
Turkey we meet with comparatively few Armenians or 
Greeks, but large communities of Syrian Christians are nu- 
merous. The Church of Syria is the oldest of all the churches 
founded among the Gentiles. It was for centuries renowned 
for its theologians, its schools of learning, and for its activity 
in spreading the Gospel into the remote empires of Asia. 
The remnants of it which are found to-day in Eastern Turkey 
are but melancholy wrecks of a church once so flourishing 
and aggressive. Like battered hulks on an unfriendly shore, 
they bear witness to the fierce storms which have overtaken 
them in the progress of time ; storms now of internal dissen- 
sions, now of violent theological controversies, and now of 
cruel persecutions and decimating international wars. Here 
on these fields of once great ecclesiastical activity have met 
in protracted struggle for supremacy Roman and Persian 
legions ; here Mongols and Tartars have enacted terrible 
a (I45) 

9 



146 NUMEROUS DIVISIONS. 

scenes of massacre ; Saracens and Kurds too have swept over 
the land, leaving wasting and destruction in their paths, and 
here now, in later centuries, the Turk has set his terrible iron 
heel, as if to crush out the feeble remnant of the Christian 
name altogether. 

The numerous divisions into which this famous church is 
now disintegrated is as much a cause for lament as is its 
prostrate state under its conquerors. Syrians, Chaldeans, 
Nestorians, Jacobites, Syrian Papists, are names of separate 
and, in a degree, antagonistic bodies which the traveler meets 
at different points as he journeys from Aleppo to the Persian 
boundary. Each sect owns allegiance to some chief bishop 
or Patriarch of its own, each holding a different creed or 
ritual, and there is no intercommunion between any of them. 
The Patriarch of the Jacobites is resident at Mardin, of the 
Chaldeans at Mosul, of the Nestorians still farther east in 
the heart of the Kurdish Mountains. Zealous though these 
all are for their inherited creed and ritual, the form of Chris- 
tianity we meet among them is by no means an ideal one. 
The ancestral organization remains. Rites and ceremonies 
as handed down from the early fathers are observed with a 
blind superstitiousness. There is a staunch grim loyalty to 
the Christian name, in the face even of much persecution for 
the name's sake. But traces of genuine spiritual life are rarely 
to be found among them. Their ancient missionary zeal, 
which carried their priests and bishops throughout Persia, 
Tartary and into China, has long since given way to a night 
of stolid indifference as to the spiritual fate of even their 
nearest neighbors. The struggle for self-preservation taxes 
to its absolute limit all their present religious ambition. And 
when we turn to find, if may be, some evidence that their ancient 



THE JACOBITES. 147 

learning may have survived the catastrophe that has extin- 
guished all but a name to live, we discover that, too, has 
perished with the rest. Their language, once aglow with 
devotion and religious thought, is long since dead. Their 
clergy are sunk in deepest ignorance. The Syrian fathers 
were eminent as authors of commentaries and hymns, gram- 
mars and lexicons, but the highest attainment of a modern 
scholar among them is to be a good copyist of the old books 
and to repeat the vocabularies and grammars of the mediaeval 
times with slavish devotion to all their oddities and errors. 

But each of these particular bodies has a history and con- 
ditions peculiar to itself that deserve a separate consideration. 

The Jacobites cling proudly to their ancient name of 
Syrians (" Syriani " ) as we shall see do also the Nestorians. 
But both have become better known by the names derived 
from their great theological leaders. The Jacobites are so 
called from Jacobus Baradeus, a monk, who in the sixth 
century checked the tide of desolation caused by the Emperor 
Justinian's persecutions, revived their declining church, and, 
with almost incredible zeal, spread the faith throughout Syria 
and Mesopotamia. He established the Patriarch of Antioch 
as their supreme head, who styles himself to this day as the 
successor of St. Peter. Their attachment is strong to the 
belief that theirs is the ancient Church of Antioch where the 
followers of Christ were first called Christians. As there are 
two other Patriarchs, of the Greek faith, who make the same 
claim, there are no less than three prelates who bear this title, 
" Patriarch of Antioch." 

The Jacobites hold to what is known as Monophysite 
doctrine, the oneness of the divine and human natures in 
Christ. 



148 ANCIENT GLORY. 

They have been estimated as some 250,000 souls in num- 
ber, but it is far too large a calculation. Turkish statistics, 
however, are of no practical value for correctness. Their 
chief centres of population are Mardin, Diarbekir, Aleppo, 
Urfa, Jezireh, Mosul, and a district in the western mountains 
of Kurdistan, named Jebel Tur. In their common speech 
they use the Arabic, the language of their Moslem con- 
querors, but in their church services they adhere to their 
much revered ancient Syriac tongue. The church books 
are of distinguished origin and of venerable date. 

In the height of their ancient glory the Jacobite Church 
embraced 159 bishoprics. Now, there are scarcely a score. 

It once boasted of twenty-one monasteries. Of these but 
two are even occupied so far as is known. It is in one of 
these, the monastery of Zafaran, near the city of Mardin, 
where the Patriarch of the Jacobites has his residence. 
Here, perched high upon the rocks in a most commanding 
position, surrounded at a distance by lofty and precipitous 
crags, and near at hand by hillsides covered with vineyards, 
orchards and gardens, has been the patriarchal abode for 
some eleven centuries, except for two brief periods when the 
Kurds have seized it for uses of their own. The late Pa- 
triarch had visited England in recent years and through 
assistance received he restored a part of the famous old 
monastery and enlarged it, and had established a fine print- 
ing press, which the Turks, however, did not allow him to use. 

The support of the monastery, with its score or two of 
monks, comes in part from their own fields, in the cultivation 
of which the clergy of the church, and the Patriarch himself, 
take an active share, and in part from contributions of the vil- 
lages lying between Mardin and Jezireh. 



SPIRITUAL APATHY. 1 49 

The Patriarch is recognized by the Turkish authorities as 
having the right to exercise a measure of control in the civil 
affairs of his spiritual subjects. His people at least look up 
to him as their spokesman in time of trouble from the gov- 
ernment, and he is expected to act as mediator between the 
two. The bishops of the church in their respective localities 
are also allowed something of the same authority. But they 
are a broken reed to lean upon as against the organized op- 
pression practised under Osmanli rule. They are, indeed, 
themselves often the victims of the same relentless bondage. 
The very manhood of this once noble, energetic race, is well- 
nigh crushed out of them by the contumely and oppression to 
which they have been subject for centuries. The pity of a 
Western visitor mantles his face with a blush as he witnesses 
the cringing demeanor of these Syrian dignitaries of the 
Church in the presence of some Mohammedan lord, even when 
for the nonce the Pasha or Agha may treat them with cour- 
tesy and kindness. Yet in the presence of sympathizing 
Christians from Europe, it is surprising to note the manly, 
dignified bearing of these same men. When we come 
down to the common villagers, their condition is, as 
we might expect, pitiable in the extreme. Their moral 
and spiritual apathy is painful to observe, and added to 
this is their extreme industrial and financial distress, charge- 
able to successive famines and a pitiless government. In their 
times of greatest want and desperation, the government 
never diminishes aught of its exactions. Pharaoh's demand 
of the same tale of bricks without straw is repeated over and 
over again. It would seem at times as if the rulers had entered 
upon a settled policy to stamp out the entire Christian element 
of the population. In evidence of this we might cite the obser- 



i5° 



THE AGHAS. 



vations of recent very intelligent travelers through Mesopota- 
mia. One speaks of passing through a number of ruined vil- 
lages that showed how the process of depopulation had been 
carried on. The large stones in their buildings, the remains of 
well-built churches, and the large tracts of land that had once 
been terraced for vineyards, gave evidence of former thrift 
and prosperity. The legitimate taxes alone are exceedingly 
heavy, but they are often duplicated, or back taxes are 
claimed. All these additional burdens, with and without the 
knowledge of the central authorities, are laid upon the people, 
driving them almost to distraction. Abuses through unjust 
and corrupt assessment, extortion in collection, farming out 
the taxes, and the demands of petty landlords and soldiers, 
simply defy description. The people are largely in the hands 
of Aghas. These are the remnant of the feudal system of 
Turkey, descendants of the feudal lords, who became propri- 
etors of the soil by virtue of a grant from the Sultan. The 
proprietorship has ceased, but the Aghas have their retainers, 
and exercise lordship over the people by force of arms. 
Each village is obliged to choose its Agha, and it is sup- 
posed to receive protection from him. But it is like setting a 
wolf to guard the sheep. 

The Jebel Tur region, of which Midyat is the chief town, 
has long been the stronghold of the Jacobite Church. It is 
now gradually dying out under the crushing process practised 
by the Turkish authorities. To one familiar with the history 
of the place in the past twenty-five or thirty years, the 
change that is going on is distressingly apparent. Not only 
are mortgages upon fields and vineyards on the increase, but 
there is a decrease of stock with which to work them. The 
area of uncultivated land around the villages enlarges, and the 



NESTORIANS. 151 

number of unkempt vineyards multiplies. Further marks of 
the business stagnation are seen in the dress of the people, 
and in the declining scale and style of living among all classes 
of the population. And if other evidence is asked for, it is found 
in the considerable numbers of families who have been obliged 
to go elsewhere in search of a living. The town of Sert fur- 
nished striking illustrations of this process, even before the 
massacre in 1850. 

Thus we find repeated in the social and industrial conditions 
of this ancient Jacobite community the same proofs we have 
seen to prevail elsewhere throughout the empire, of the utter 
indifference of the Turkish Government to the well-being of 
its Christian subjects, if not of its covert intentions to gradu- 
ally efface them from off the land. 

Let us turn now to the other large division of the Syrian 
Church, known as Nestorians. They are sometimes spoken 
of as " Chaldeans," and again as "Assyrians." But for 
neither of these names does there exist any sufficient warrant 
either on historical or geographical grounds. They recog- 
nize no appellation for themselves except " Syriani." Their 
chief bishop claims for himself the title of " Patriarch of the 
East." But they will always be best known to the world as 
" Nestorians." 

When Nestorius, from Antioch, being Bishop of Constan- 
tinople, was condemned by the Council of Ephesus, in the 
year a. d. 431, for his alleged heretical opinions regarding the 
Person of Christ, the " Church of the East," with its head- 
quarters at Seleucia-Ctesiphon, warmly espoused his cause. 
They were consequently cut off from communion with the 
Western Church. Located so far to the East, beyond the 
reach of the persecuting acts of the Byzantine powers, they 



I52 TAMERLANE. 

enjoyed unusual liberty, and used it with enthusiasm to extend 
their faith at home and in remote lands. The growth of their 
church is one of the brightest and most interesting chapters 
in the annals of Christianity. By its wonderful missionary 
enterprises churches were planted from Egypt to China, and 
from north of the Caspian Sea to the southern bounds of India. 
The flourishing- church in Persia was of their founding. It is 
admitted that they were the most numerous body of any of the 
then existing Christian churches. Nor were they conspicuous 
for their missionary zeal alone. Their schools, where Biblical 
theology and medicine were taught, were famed throughout 
Christendom. And when the Arabs became the patrons of 
science and learning, these Nestorian scholars opened to them 
the lore of the Greeks, and were allowed positions of honor 
and influence at the courts of Haroun Al Rashid and other 
Caliphs, at Bagdad. Under the Persian and Mongol rulers, 
this church, eminent as well for its liberality of opinion and 
catholicity of spirit, as its aggressive efforts, continued to 
flourish, despite seasons of severe persecution. But towards 
the close of the fourteenth century a terrible storm burst upon 
it. It was then that Timour, or Tamerlane, emerged from 
the far East, and swept the lands occupied by these Syrian 
churches as with the besom of destruction. His Mohammedan 
zeal added fury to his inhuman efforts to exterminate every 
trace of the Christian faith. He was far too successful. 

The Patriarchal seat was removed from place to place in 
quest of a safe retreat. It is probable that about this time, in 
consequence of these desolating conditions, large numbers 
of these Christians found refuge from the tempest in the se- 
cluded fastnesses of the inhospitable mountains of Kurdistan, 
where they still dwell. A considerable portion of this people 



PATRIARCH OF BABYLON. 153 

are still found in Persia. The whole number in Turkey and 
Persia is probably about 100,000. 

In the sixteenth century there arose unfortunately a schism 
in the church, resulting in the establishment of two Patriarchs, 
both holding to the same creed. One of these made Mosul 
his residence. In recent years a large body of this section of 
the Nestorian Church has conformed to the Roman Catholic 
Church, and is known as the " Uniat Chaldean Church," under 
a Patriarch, called the " Patriarch of Babylon." But in the 
earlier division mentioned, the larger portion of the Nesto- 
rians living in Kurdistan and Northwest Persia, accepted the 
Patriarch Mar Shimun as their head, who established his resi- 
dence in an Alpine village, among the Kurdish mountains. 
His successors always take the same dynastic name of Mar 
Shimun, and for nearly four hundred years have made their 
home among these lofty crags and precipitous ravines. Where 
the valleys broaden out into wilder areas, the various tribes 
have built their villages, and through the centuries have main- 
tained their national existence and their ancient faith at seri- 
ous odds as against their neighbors and foes. The most im- 
portant of these villages are Tiari, Tkhoma, Jelu, Bas and 
Dis. These Christian mountaineers are called "Ashiret," or 
tribal Syrians, while those living outside the mountains proper 
are called " Rayahs," or " Rayats," subjects. The Ashiret are 
semi-independent, and pay only a nominal tribute to the 
Turkish Government. The Rayahs are the prey of Turkish 
despoilers and Turkish exactors to a degree that makes life 
miserable. That the Turkish Government is either unable or 
indisposed to afford them protection from the Kurds is the 
substantial ground on which the Ashiret refuse submission to 
the constitutional authorities. The practical serfdom of their 



154 KURDISH LANDLORDS. 

Rayah brethren is before their eyes every time they step out 
on the hills and plains. They are largely in the hands of 
the Kurdish landlords, or Aghas, as are the Syrian Christians 
of Jebel Tur, already described. They are taxed to the star- 
vation point. Their houses are miserable quarters for human 
habitations. They are mercilessly robbed and even murdered 
by the Kurds. Appeal to the government officials is seldom 
of avail ; for these are either Kurds themselves or are sur- 
rounded by Kurdish gentry, once themselves the rulers of the 
country, whom it is the government's policy to placate now, 
as much as possible. Quite in contrast is the independence 
of the Ashiret, under their Maleks, or chiefs. They always 
p-o armed, are bold and warlike, and no Turkish officials or 
soldiers enter their tribal districts except with their consent. 

Though possessing only the old-fashioned flint locks, they 
are often a match for the Kurds, who are armed generally 
with Martini-Henry rifles. Yet it is only by the most fierce 
defense of themselves that they have maintained their free- 
dom against the sanguinary Kurds. And it is not strange 
that they sometimes betray the same wild traits of character 
as their hereditary enemies. But despite their desperate 
stand for freedom and the fear in which the Kurds regard 
them, they have suffered terrible assaults, which threatened 
at the time to utterly exterminate them. Such was the case 
in the terrible massacres perpetrated on them by the blood- 
thirsty Kurdish Chief, Badir Khan Bey, in 1843. By bringing 
an overwhelming force successfully against Tiari and Tkhoma 
he succeeded in almost annihilating their populations. Layard, 
the British explorer of Nineveh, and subsequently Minister 
and Statesman, who was in the mountains both before and 
after these occurrences, has described the inhuman slaughter 



CRUELTIES OF KURDISH CHIEFS. 155 

of the people of Tiari and Tkhoma in their homes, and the 
destruction of their churches and sacred books. In Tiari, 
after an indiscriminate slaughter of a crowd of assembled 
fugitives, tired of butchering, and knee-deep in blood and 
mangled carcasses, the Kurds forced the survivors at the 
point of the dagger to leap down a precipice on the rocks 
below. Not less than a thousand persons here perished. 
Mr. Layard visited the fatal spot in 1846 and described, with 
graphic pen, the terrible evidences still remaining of the 
awful transaction. The patriarchal residence in Dis was also 
sacked and the blood of nearly eight hundred, of both sexes, 
stained its valleys. The leading men were assassinated at a 
council to which they were invited to settle terms of peace. 
The Patriarch himself had escaped beforehand, but his aged 
mother was slain and her mangled body dragged to the river 
Zab, her murderers exclaiming as they threw it in, " Go, carry 
the news to your accursed son." 

The story of the cruelties of the Kurdish Chiefs of those 
days will never perish from the legends of the Nestorians. 
It should be said, that under the pressure from the European 
Government the Turks sent a force against Badir Khan Bey, 
and he was captured, but the only punishment inflicted on 
him was banishment to the Island of Candia. There can be 
little doubt, however, that the Kurds were encouraged by the 
Turks in their nefarious job, with a view to the subjugation of 
these Independent Christians. 

Every few years since these events, there have been rea- 
sons to fear a repetition of the Kurdish atrocities perpetrated 
by Badir Khan Bey and his fellow-fiends. In July, 1888, one 
of the summer encampments of the Tiarians, occupied chiefly 
by the women to care for the products of their flocks, while 



I56 DANGERS AND SUFFERINGS. 

the men are engaged in their little fields in the valleys below, 
was overpowered by a band of Kurds, who killed the few 
men at hand and outraged the women. The Christians were 
desperate for revenge. But a force of 8,000 Kurds promptly 
assembling, there was imminent danger of their falling upon 
the Christians in a general massacre. Speedy representa- 
tions through the English and American missionaries led to 
energetic action on the part of the foreign Consuls which 
compelled the Turks to force the Kurds to retire. 

But in the absence of any such general outbreak of Turkish 
fanaticism and outrage, the oppressions of the Christians 
whenever in the least exposed to their enemies are of inces- 
sant occurrence. The Patriarch, Mar Shimun, wears a sad, 
weary countenance, as the tales of wrong and injustice prac- 
tised on his people are daily poured into his ear. Robberies, 
outrages and murders are on the increase ; the bishops and 
chiefs, and even the Patriarch and his family, are continually 
exposed to insults and indignities at the hands of Kurdish 
chiefs. It is no great wonder that he believes, as most of the 
Kurds confess to believing, and observant travelers are com- 
pelled to the same conclusion, that the policy of the Porte is 
to allow the Christians to be impoverished and exterminated 
by the Kurds, provided that this is done so covertly that 
European nations shall not be aware of it. 

The Patriarch's appeals for some sort of protection for his 
distressed people, which come to the ears of American and 
English friends, are truly affecting. And yet, even to these 
he scarcely dares to speak his mind fully. He receives a 
stipend from the Porte. The Turkish officials near him, at 
Van and Julamerk, keep a sharp watch over all he does. So, 
when his most trusted friends from Christian lands visit him, 



CHALDEANS. 157 

he speaks to them in bated breath, and glares around in fear 
lest somehow what he may say shall reach the ears of his sus- 
picious guardians, and the charge of treason be brought 
against him. Can any one imagine a more pitiable position 
for the head of this once renowned and widespread branch 
of the Christian Church ? 

The Syrians on the plain of Mosul are known as "Chal- 
deans," whether the larger body of them, who have conformed 
to the Church of Rome, and are under the spiritual jurisdic- 
tion of the so-called " Patriarch of Babylon," or the feebler 
community under the Bishop Mar Elias Melus, who have 
strenuously resisted union with the Romish Church. The 
Chaldeans in the city of Mosul are many of them merchants, 
fairly prosperous, as things go in that part of Turkey. The 
Rassam family, distinguished in the English explorations at 
Nineveh, are Mosul Chaldeans. A powerful Roman Catholic 
establishment in the city affords considerable protection to its 
own adherents. But the condition of the Chaldean villagers 
is much the same as that of the Jacobites and Nestorian 
Rayahs already described. They are often little else than the 
serfs of the Kurdish Aghas. And the oppressions are increas- 
ing from year to year. There can be little question that unless a 
thorough system of reforms is introduced, the whole region will 
soon fall into the hands of the Kurds. Yes, there is one other 
alternative which would bring them relief. If they would give 
up their faith, they might receive as efficient protection as their 
Moslem neighbors. But in all their poverty in things spirit- 
ual, as well as temporal, living in abject terror from day to 
day, they cling to their Christian faith as to their ancestral 
homes with a devotion that should compel admiration and the 
assistance of the Christian powers. 



I58 TWO WELL-KNOWN FACTS. 

The blame that rests upon the Turkish Government for its 
chronic inefficiency in regard to these, its dutiful Christian 
subjects, is made apparent in the strongest light by two now 
well-known facts. The first is, that the Christians in Persia, also 
a Moslem Government, in precisely similar conditions, though 
the victims of much oppression from Kurds and Moham- 
medan Aghas, live in greater security and ease than their 
brethren in Turkey. The second fact is, that in the recent 
outbreaks against the Armenians of Turkey, the Governors 
of Mosul and Mardin, under the most imperative orders from 
Constantinople, repressed all attempted assaults upon the 
Christian population of those cities by the most rigorous 
measures. It clearly shows what the government might 
have done in other towns to protect the Christians if it had 
wished to do so. 

It is due to say that the Sultan directed the Vali of Mosul 
to proclaim that the reforms which had been granted to the 
Armenians were to extend to all the Christian nationalities 
alike. The explanatory telegram was sent subsequently to 
say that these promised reforms were simply those allowed 
by his grandfather. It would be a joy to all classes — Jacobites, 
Nestorians and Chaldeans — if they could indeed go back to 
the brighter days of thirty years ago. Every year but en- 
velops their fate in direr gloom and hopelessness. 

Of the other Christian sects in the Turkish Empire the 
most important are the various branches of the Greek Church, 
those connected with the Roman Catholic Church, and the 
Copts of Egypt. The various branches of the Greek Church 
have already been described in a previous chapter. The 
Copts in Egypt are the descendants of the ancient Egyptians. 
They number about 500,000. They live almost entirely in 



MARONITES. 1 59 

the towns, and furnish the greater part of the clerks, account- 
ants and general administrative officers in the government. 
They are also to a considerable extent farmers and land 
owners, and have risen especially under the English adminis- 
tration. They are an intelligent class, and were it not for the 
oppression that they have endured from the past centuries they 
would be far stronger than they are. They form one branch of 
what is known as the Monophysite Church, akin to the Arme- 
nians and Abyssinians. They preserve their old language in 
their liturgy, but the language of daily life is entirely Arabic. 
The hierarchy with them, as with other Orientals, has been 
strongly conservative and oppressive, bitterly opposing every 
effort to educate and raise the people. Of late years, under 
the influence of the missionaries of the United Presbyterian 
Board of the United States, there has been an earnest effort 
to secure a better condition of things. This, however, has 
not succeeded to the extent that was hoped, and still the 
bishops and priests are a great obstacle in the way of intelli- 
gent laymen who desire the reformation of the church. 

The principal community connected with the Roman Cath- 
olic Church is that of the Maronites. There are also Chal- 
deans and Armenians in some considerable numbers, passing 
under the name of the United Syrian and Armenian Churches, 
or Uniats. The Maronites number about 250,000, and are 
scattered all over the Lebanon and ante-Lebanon ranges in 
Syria. They are found especially in the northern districts, 
where they have complete control of local affairs. They also 
extend south to Mt. Hermon, in the heart of the Druze 
country, and they have always been on hostile relations with 
the Druzes. They take their name from their first Patriarch 
and political leader, John Maron, who lived in the latter part 



l6o MONOTHELITES. 

of the seventh century, and under whose influence at the 
time of the various ecclesiastical controversies they declared 
themselves Monothelites. They then occupied the plains 
chiefly, but afterwards, under the invasion of the Saracens, 
fled to the mountains, and there maintained their independ- 
ence for a long time. At that time they used Syriac in all 
their services and in their social life, and developed a feudal 
system with a sort of theocratic government, their head being 
styled " The Patriarch of Antioch and all the East." At the 
time of the Crusades they were brought to the knowledge of 
Christendom, and about the middle of the twelfth century 
opened communications with the Pope at Rome. They 
gradually adopted the Arabic language as their vernacular, 
and at the Council of Florence were received into the Roman 
Catholic Church. They were, however, allowed to retain their 
Syriac liturgy, the celebration of the communion in both 
kinds, the marriage of the lower clergy, their own fast days 
and their own saints. Little by little the power of the Pope 
over them was strengthened. A special college was given 
them at Rome, and schools for clergy and printing presses 
were established in Syria. A Papal legate was sent to Beirut, 
and the Maronites became most submissive followers in the 
Latin Church. 

They first came prominently into the notice of the rest of 
the Christian world in connection with the famous massacres 
in i860, in which thousands of them were butchered by the 
Druzes. The result of this was the redistricting of Syria 
under European intervention and the formation of the prov- 
ince of Mt. Lebanon under the rule of a Christian gov- 
ernor. At present they are a frugal and industrious people, 
mostly illiterate, except where schools have been established 



UNITED ARMENIAN CHURCH. 1 63 

under the pressure of the influence of Protestant missions. 
They have many monasteries and guard as specially sacred 
the famous group of cedars at the head of the gorge of the 
Holy River, where is the summer home of their Patriarch. 
Under the influence of the American missions the Jesuits and 
Lazarists have exerted themselves to keep their hold upon 
the young men. They have established a fine school for 
boys and have a large college at Beirut and fine library with 
very complete scientific apparatus. The American Board of 
Commissioners for Foreign Missions commenced work 
among these people early in the present century and it is 
now carried on by the Presbyterian Church. The distinctive 
Protestant community is not large, but has a very powerful 
influence, and the Syrian Protestant College at Beirut, with 
its medical department, has done very much to develop a 
better life among all these people. 

At the same Council of Florence in 1439 that gathered 
the Maronites under the care of the Roman Catholic Church, 
there was formed a United Armenian Church, consisting of 
a number of Gregorian Armenians, who felt that it was best 
for the interests of their people to cease their separation from 
the Western Church. They have, however, not grown in 
numbers to any great degree, and are chiefly known through 
their monastery at Venice, which has been foremost in the 
development of Armenian literature. They are strongest in 
Constantinople and on the seaboard, though there are some 
congregations in the interior. They are as a rule looked 
upon by the Gregorian Armenians with more suspicion even 
that the Protestants, on account of their political relations 
with the French Government. 



CHAPTER IX. 
Rise and Decline of Ottoman Power. 

Capture of Constantinople — Victories of Mohammed II — The Sultans Assume the Caliphate 
— Reign of Suleiman the Magnificent — Attack upon Venice — Constant Strife over the 
Danubian Principalities — Internal Disorganization — Weak Sultans and Powerful Viziers — 
Alliances with Foreign Powers — Repeated Disasters — Weak Rule in Asia — Revolt in 
Egypt and Syria — Condition at Commencement of Present Century. 

FOR a little more than half a century after the foundation 
of the Ottoman dynasty, the Ottomans merely formed 
one of the many bands of Turks who roamed over 
Western Asia and Southeastern Europe, plundering the Chris- 
tians where they could and fighting each other in a pro- 
miscuous contest for the supremacy ; always, however, show- 
ing an upward tendency. Not only were they vigorous on 
the battle-field, but shrewd in their policies. The close of 
the Seljuk dynasty was the signal for the division of the once 
famous empire of Rum. One by one these divisions fell into 
the hands of the new Sultans ; some by conquest, some by 
purchase, some by politics, until they were by far the most 
powerful element in that whole section. The weakening of 
the Byzantine Empire, and its practical loss of power over 
the Danubian provinces, tempted these Turks across the 
Dardanelles, and they measured swords with the Serbs, 

Wallachs and others. Under Amurath, the founder of the 

(164) 



CAPTURE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 1 65 

Janissaries, they became a terror to all, and the flag, whose 
red color was established by himself as token of the blood 
that flowed wherever they went, was flaunted in the very face 
of Christian Emperors. Then, however, came a check ; 
Timour-Lenk (Timour the Lame, Tamerlane), who had risen 
against his Sultan in the small canton of Trans-Oxiana, 
gathered to his standard the semi-barbarous tribes of Turk- 
estan, spread through Khorassan, Persia, Georgia and South- 
ern Russia; then south through Armenia and Mesopotamia 
into India. Then he turned again westward, and, influenced not 
a little, perhaps, by the presence in his court of some Turkish 
princes, deposed by the Ottoman Sultans, he captured Syria, 
and just as Bajazet was under the walls of Constantinople he 
heard that his own kingdoms were in danger. At the famous 
battle of Konieh (Iconium) the Ottoman power was broken ; 
but with the death of Timour his empire went to pieces and 
the Ottoman line again resumed its power. For another 
half century advance was made even more rapidly than 
before, and on either side of the Bosporus and Dardanelles 
the arms of the Turks were victorious. 

The capture of Constantinople, which followed in 1453, 
really marked the beginning of the Turkish Empire. The 
series of forays, with the occasional capture of an important 
city or even of a province in Asia Minor or the Balkan Pen- 
insula, had become an organized campaign for the subjuga- 
tion of the whole of Western Asia and Southeastern Europe. 
More than that, an entire change in form of government became 
necessary. Hitherto all of government that there had been 
was that of the army, and pertained to the immediate Moslem 
followers of the Sultan. The various tribes or nations who 
yielded to his arms, but refused to accept Islam, really had no 



j66 now an emperor. 

relation whatever to his rule. They paid what tribute was 
demanded, but there was no such thing as regular civil 
government. When, however, Constantinople was captured, 
this condition could no longer continue. It was essential that 
there be some definite relation arranged between the Sultan 
and the larofe class of Greeks who had come to form so im- 
portant a part of the empire. He realized that the whole 
position was changed; that he was no longer merely a 
general, but an emperor, and an emperor over a very hetero- 
geneous empire. 

To begin with, there were the Greeks in Constantinople, 
all through Western Asia Minor and in Europe ; there were 
the Armenians, scarcely recognized as a distinct people, with 
at the time no government of their own, scarcely more than 
a race, an ecclesiastical unit, held together by their church re- 
lations, and with a sort of tribal organization ; there was the 
Syrian Church in its varied forms, Nestorian and Jacobite ; 
there were the different branches of the Slav race, all com- 
bined under the Greek Church. Undoubtedly Mohammed II, 
would have been glad to have made them all Moslem. That, 
however, he could not do, and very possibly he realized that 
while such a course might flatter his pride, it would not be so 
advantageous for his treasury, for he collected taxes from 
Christians which Moslems would refuse to pay. Still, there 
must be some method arranged by which these different 
nationalities should not only have their existence recognized, 
but should be allowed a certain development with a view to 
the strengthening of the empire. 

During the century that had elapsed since the Ottoman 
dynasty began, the various Sultans had come into contact with 
the forms of Roman government. They had taken advantage 



CHURCH AND STATE. 1 67 

of it in arrancfino- for Moslems within the territories of the 
Greek Emperors, and the Roman system of one law for the 
citizen, another for the foreigner, was perfectly familiar to 
them. Mohammed adopted this principle, and basing it upon 
the idea, which dominates the whole growth of Moslem 
power, of absolute union of Church and State, developed the 
system which has governed in all that region until the present 
day, and established a series of communities centering about 
the different ecclesiastical leaders. Although it was not till a 
later date that the Sultans assumed the title of Caliph, they 
had practically ruled as Caliphs among their Moslem subjects. 
The same principle Mohammed II applied to the Christians 
of his empire. Recognizing the Greek Patriarch at Con- 
stantinople as the centre of authority, he called to that 
office the head of the party, which under the last Constantine 
had opposed a union with the Latin Church, and thereby, as 
he thought, had made his own conquest easier, and confirmed 
him in the dignity of the double office, civil and religious, 
which he was to exercise over his people. He associated 
with him the clergy and learned men of the church, and 
treated them with marked indulgence. He instituted a court, 
giving the rank of Vizier to the Patriarch and granting 
to him a guard of Janissaries. He established a system 
of government by which all community and social rights 
and duties were vested in the Patriarchate, which had 
sole authority in cases of marriage contracts, legacies, wills, 
divorces, and even had absolute authority in criminal matters, 
except such as directly involved the Sultan's authority. 
Thus there grew up a distinct community life involv- 
ing a national life. The principle of the Moslem being 
that there could be no legitimate relations between himself 



:68 



COMMUNAL RIGHTS. 



and the non-Moslem, there were accorded to these all the 
various community or communal rights. They had their own 
quarter of the city, town or village ; their own shops, butchers, 
bakers, tailors ; their own mills as well as their own churches. 
True, there was demanded of them a heavy tax, the regular 
capitation or poll tax, and the kharadj or military exemption 
tax, demanded of every non-Moslem male from the age of 
three years. These taxes were by no means light, and it was 
the general principle of the government to so administer 
them as to impress it very clearly upon the unbeliever that 
his condition was abject, and that even his life was a mark of 
the Sultan's favor. Still, there was a certain independence, 
and the Greeks gathered again to their city, and the wiser of 
the Sultans that followed Mohammed II carried out the idea 
of developing rather than of fiercely oppressing these com- 
munities. 

With this granting- of communal rights to the Greeks came 
in due time the recognition of the same principle in the case 
of the other Christians, and each was represented at the Sub- 
lime Porte by its Patriarch, with the various attendants of 
bishops and clergy. 

One marked result of this course was to intensify the 
separation between these different nationalities. The com- 
munities of Greeks, Armenians and Syrians being so distinct, 
there arose more or less of strife between them as to which 
should secure the greater privileges and develop the most of 
community life. Hence the original hostilities arising out of the 
differences of creed and worship were emphasized rather than 
lessened, and whether intentionally or not, there grew up the 
custom under the Sultans of ruling in a great degree by 
force of jealousies between different classes of their subjects. 



DISTURBING INFLUENCES. 169 

This general principle adopted in Constantinople was 
carried out in minor detail all through the empire. In every 
city Christians were organized into their communities and the 
ecclesiastical head, whatever he might be, whether bishop or 
priest or deacon, was recognized by the local government 
as the civil head of his community. Appeals could be made 
to his higher ecclesiastical authorities, and the whole power 
of the Turkish Government was brought to bear to enforce 
the decrees of these semi-civil, semi-ecclesiastical rulers. 

It was not, howeve r an easy thing to develop any system 
of this kind throughout the empire. Among the disturbing 

o r a e> 

influences was the confiscation of the lands of the great 
Greek families and their transformation into fiefs, which were 
conferred on distinguished warriors who held them on condi- 
tion of serving the Sultan with a certain number of followers, 
helped to solidify the empire, but operated very heavily to 
repress the Christians. It left them at the mercy of these 
feudal chiefs, and the situation during the centuries that fol- 
lowed was one of increasing oppression. This was assisted 
by the degradation of their own priesthood. Their position 
as civil representatives of their people detracted more and 
more from their spiritual teaching, and they became addicted 
to all sorts of intrigues. 

Two notable results followed. One was the formation of 
bands of freebooters in the mountain regions, who preyed 
upon the plain villages in proportion as the feudal lords were 
careless or weak ; the other was the gradual dispersion of 
these Christian communities. This affected the Armenians 
more than any others. They wandered here and there over 
the empire in search of some place where they should be left 
unmolested. It was about this time that they established 



jjO EXTENDING CONQUEST. 

their qua si-kingdom at Sis in Cilicia, and spread over the 
plains of Northern Syria and of Central Asia Minor. Their 
kingdom had a short life, and the effect of their wandering 
from the ancestral home was to bring them still more under 
the oppression of the Turks, so that they even lost the ordi- 
nary use of their language. 

Of the events that followed the capture of Constantinople 
it is impossible here to do more than to give the very briefest 
summary, and emphasize only such points as are most essen- 
tial to the understanding of the situation as it is to-day. 
First came the extending of conquest, and during the thirty 
years that followed the capture of Constantinople, it seemed 
as if more had been done than at any time before. Servia 
yielded ; then came Greece, although the famous Scanderbeg 
held his own in Albania. More than one historian has sug- 
gested that the effort to subdue him was only half-hearted out 
of regard for his bravery and for the memories of his early 
life with the Turks. Then Wallachia yielded and the people 
of Transylvania found the Moslem no severer ruler than 
Wlad, called by his subjects Drakul (the devil). Bosnia 
yielded its rule next, and war spread on southward and west- 
ward against the Albanians and Venetians. Meanwhile the 
princes of Karaman, who for a century and a half had held a 
varying rule in Central Asia Minor, were finally subdued and 
the Sultan's power over what is now Asiatic Turkey was 
practically complete. Again he turned to Europe, crossed 
the Dardanelles, took Moldavia and captured the Crimea, 
which had for a time been under the Khans of that country, 
though they had in turn yielded to a Christian republic, which 
had maintained itself for some time with its capital, the most 
important town of the northern Black Sea coast. Always, 



THE SULTAN S EXALTATION. 171 

however, there was the outlook westward, and although Venice 
checked the advance of the Ottomans, they still threw them- 
selves upon Transylvania and made incursions into Hungary 
and Italy, and Mohammed II closed his reign with an attack 
upon Rhodes, which, however, was repulsed. 

From the death of Mohammed II, in 1481, to the reign of 
Suleiman the Magnificent, in 1520, there were expeditions 
into Hungary and Moldavia, and war with Venice and 
Persia, but no great additions to the Ottoman domain. This, 
however, was more than made up by the conquest of Syria 
and Egypt. The significance of these conquests was great 
as mere territorial enlargement of the empire, but more 
important still were the attendant influences which resulted in 
placing the Turkish Sultans at the head of the Moslem world. 
The last Mameluke Sultan, of Egypt, was hanged at the gate 
of Cairo in 151 7, and Sultan Selim passed a month longer in 
that capital presiding at two great Egyptian fetes — the open- 
ing of the Cairo Canal, and the departure of the annual 
caravan for Mecca, and received from the Sherif of Mecca 
the keys of the Kaaba. His army, however, became restless 
and he returned to Constantinople. To that city he sum- 
moned Mohammed XII, the last representative of the Abbas- 
side Caliphs, to whom the rulers of Egypt had always given 
the honorary title. Selim required of him to relinquish the 
rights and distinctive ensigns of the Caliphate, the standard, 
the sword and the mantle of the prophet, and assumed the 
political and religious chieftainship of Islam. This conquest 
of Egypt and the assumption of the Caliphate attracted the 
alarm of European powers and resulted in treaties with 
Venice and Hungary. A second attack on Rhodes was 



1^2 SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT. 

planned, but not carried out, and in 1520 Selim gave place to 
his son Suleiman the Magnificent. 

The reign of Suleiman from 1520 to 1566, deserves more 
than a passing mention. It was the golden age of the Turk- 
ish rule, when the empire reached its greatest extent and 
achieved its highest success; when all Europe was either 
dreading its advance or treating for its assistance. But it 
was also noticeable for its internal organization, which remained 
until Mahmud II, under the pressure of the altered circum- 
stances of 250 years later, made changes which have resulted 
in the present system. 

The relations between Turkey and the European powers, 
inaugurated practically during this reign, will be treated of 
later. Here it is the purpose to survey the general history 
of that reign. The first act was the suppression of a revolt 
along the Danube, and Belgrade was taken, its Serb popula- 
tion being transferred ' to Constantinople in pursuance of a 
policy inaugurated by Mohammed II for the building up of 
that city. Then the Sultan turned his eyes to Rhodes, and 
with a fleet of 300 vessels and 100,000 men undertook its 
capture. For five months the Grand Master of the Knights 
held out, but was finally forced to yield, and betook himself 
with his men to Malta, where they planned anew the war 
against the Koran. Next to Rhodes, Hungary was the great 
object of the Sultan's ambition, and it was only a few years 
later that he made vast preparations for an invasion. At the 
battle of Mohacz, in 1526, the Hungarian kingdom was de- 
stroyed, and on the 10th of September Suleiman entered 
Budapesth. 

Revolts in Asia, however, called back the Sultan, though 
the war continued in Hungary, and a second expedition was 



ATTACK ON VIENNA. 173 

started three years later. It was the Turkish theory that any 
place in which the Sultan had slept was within the bounds of 
his empire, and accordingly again Budapesth was occupied ; 
this time, however, merely as a vantage ground from which 
to attack Vienna itself. The history of the defense of the 
Austrian capital is one of the most brilliant in the military 
history of Central Europe during that century. Notwithstand- 
ing the overwhelming power of the Turks, with their army 
of 300,000 men and 300 cannon, besides a strong flotilla, the 
Austrians, reinforced by the Protestants — so-called since the 
protest at Spires in the spring of that year — resolved to de- 
fend the place. The city walls were weak and out of repair, 
and the Sultan apparently thought conquest easy, for he sent 
a message that if the garrison would surrender he would not 
even enter the town, but press on in search of the emperor ; 
if they resisted he would dine in Vienna on the third day, and 
then he would not spare even the child in the womb. They, 
however, would not yield, and he never entered. The bravery 
of the troops who gathered from every part of Germany, 
assisted by the valor of the citizens, repulsed the Turks again 
and again, and, as the season was advancing, the Sultan re- 
turned to Constantinople. A third expedition resulted again 
in a most humiliating disgrace ; 350,000 Turks, led by the 
Sultan himself, were detained more than three weeks by a 
garrison of about 700 men at a little town in Styria. Ger- 
many amassed all its forces, and now there came in the influ- 
ence of Western Europe. France had already made advances 
to the Turkish Government, and Venice, seeking protection 
for her commerce, had entered into treaty, and both of them 
through their ambassadors advised the Sultan, with a weak- 
ened army, not to meet the well-organized troops of Charles 



174 



INTERNAL HISTORY. 



V. The expedition, therefore, was reluctantly withdrawn, to 
be renewed again later, and again given up when a general 
truce was arranged with the German power. Meanwhile, 
however, Barbarossa had come in conflict with the Venetian 
Doria, and the Italian shore was threatened by the Turkish 
troops. But no great gains were made, and at the death of 
Suleiman, in 1566, no positive advance had been registered. 
The internal history of the empire was in some respects 
more important than the external. Suleiman is known among 
the Ottomans as the Legislator. He organized the Ulemas, 
altered the system of fiefs, and arranged matters of finance, 
justice, civil and penal law, and the various departments of 
his empire. The general principle of land tenure was based 
upon the doctrine that the soil belonged to God, and thus to 
his representative, the Sultan. It was, however, apart from 
that reserved for the Sultan himself, divided into three classes ; 
land occupied by Mussulmans after the conquest, subject only 
to the tithes; land let to conquered populations, especially 
Rayahs (non-Moslem subjects), who, aside from the tithe, paid 
capitation and exemption taxes ; and the domains given by 
the Sultan as military rewards under the arrangement inau- 
gurated by Amurath I. In general, the principle of the col- 
lection of taxes had been to make them as onerous as possi- 
ble. Suleiman recognized the unwisdom of this, and intro- 
duced various modifications, which had the effect of lessening 
the harshness, and at the same time of increasing the revenues. 
He also looked very closely after the fiefs, demanding that 
only the smaller ones should be under the control of the gov- 
ernors of provinces; that the larger ones must be referred to 
Constantinople. This last order had special reference to the 
taxes levied by these governors upon the peasants. Notwith- 



PAYMENT FOR CRIME. jyr 

standing this organized system of revenue, the income was not 
sufficient and additional contributions of one kind and another 

Irv »A T Y UP ° n conc l uered P^vinces, such as Hun- 
gary and Transylvania, which resulted in the almost utter 
destn.ct.on of their prosperity. In the matter of crime cor- 
poral punishment was sparingly inflicted. Almost every 
crime could be atoned for by the payment of a fine Not- 
withstanding the brilliant success achieved, it was in this very 
reign that the decadence of Moslem rule commenced The 
heavy expenses of the various wars, and of the organization 
of the empire had a great influence in bringing about a con- 
dition of venality which rapidly sapped the strength of the 
government Suleiman saw it, but allowed it t/pass, only 
taking care that ,t did not interfere with his army. His power 
over the army, however, weakened. It had hitherto been the 
custom that the Janissaries should never enter war excep! 
under the personal lead of the Sultan. This privilege was 
withdrawn Their numbers also were recruited by adventurers 
o every kmd, and the general discipline was weakened by 
allowmg them to marry, follow trades, and become stationary 
in the garnsons, where they were practically citizens, mer- 
chants, operators, etc. In the general conduct of the c OTern . 
men t also, th ie Sultan no longer presided over the Cabinet 
Meeting or D.van, as it was called. He confined himself 
more and more to his palace, and came under the effeminating 
influence of a uxury carried to such an extent that the su?- 
roundmgs of the Christian princes of Europe paled before 
the pomp of the Moslem Court. The forma' condemnatl 
by the Koran of such luxury was passed by entirely, the sim- 
plicity of manners to which the empire owed its advance was 
greatly corrupted; the use of wine became quite common, 



I76 CHRONIC WAR. 

and the use of coffee, just introduced, was carried to excess. 
The result was that in every department of the government 
there were sown the seeds of the weakness that manifested 
itself, with occasional exceptions, in the history of the suc- 
ceeding two and one-half centuries. 

The history of the following years, aside from the relations 
with the European Governments, must be passed over very 
briefly. They include expeditions to Arabia, the conquest of 
Cyprus in 1570, the battle of Lepanto, when the fleets of 
Europe — Spanish, Italian and Venetian — blotted out the 
Turkish marine, and freed the Mediterranean coast from the 
terror of their devastations. This was, however, somewhat 
compensated for by the capture of Tunis. There was chronic 
war with Hungary and Persia, that with the latter power re- 
sulting in the addition to the Ottoman Power of Georgia and 
a considerable portion of Northern and Southeastern Persia. 
The whole Balkan Peninsula was in a chronic state of revolt 
and subjugation. There were powerful Sultans, such as Am- 
urath I, and great viziers, as the Kuprulis. At times the 
Turkish successors threatened again the peace of Europe, but 
they were generally used by one and another government^ 
particularly France, as a check to the encroachments of 
enemies. 

In 1669, "the Ottoman Empire included forty governments 
and four tributary countries : in Europe all Greece, Illyria, 
Maesia, Macedonia, Pannonia, Thrace and Dacia; the 
kingdoms of Pyrrhus and Perseus; the states of Treballi and 
the Bulgarians : in Africa the kingdom of the Ptolemies, with 
the territory of Carthage and Numidia : in Asia the kingdoms 
of Mithridates, Antiochus, Attalus, Prusias, Herod and Ti- 
granes ; those of the obscure sovereigns of Cappadocia, 



SOBIESKI S ASSISTANCE. 



177 



Cilicia and Comagena ; the territories of the Iberians and the 
Scythians, and a portion of the empire of the Parthians. 
Without reckoning the Greek Republics and the Tyrian 
colony, there were twenty kingdoms included in these forty 
governments, from the Syrtes to the Caucasus, and to the 
countries watered by the Hydaspes." 

To these territories was added the lower part of Russia, 
held by the Cossacks of the Ukraine, who voluntarily sub- 
mitted to the Sultan's rule as protection against the Russians 
and Poland. This occasioned the war with Poland, when the 
Poles were led by John Sobieski. The famous general, Kara 
Mustapha, in 1683, sought to rival the conquests of Suleiman, 
and with an army more powerful than any the Turks had 
ever sent from Constantinople, determined to besiege Vienna. 
The Austrian king called for Sobieski's assistance, and secured 
it notwithstanding the intrigues of Louis XIV, who vainly 
sought to convince the Pole that his real enemies were in 
Austria, and in that power of the north whom the Dutch 
papers had begun to call " His Russian Majesty." Loyal to 
his religion, however, Sobieski went to the aid of Vienna. 
His cavalry, aided by that of the Germans, put the Turks to 
flight after more than 10,000 of their troops had been left on 
the field of battle. Then came a panic, and the Turks fled in 
disorder, leaving an immense booty to the victors. Of this 
the King of Poland received as his share 4,000,000 florins, 
while arms studded with precious stones, and banners and 
treasures to a very heavy amount, were divided among the 
victors. 

The war with Austria developed into the war against the 
Holy Alliance, a league against the Turks, under the protec- 
tion of the Pope, and formed by the Emperor of Austria, the 



I78 PEACE OF CARLOWITZ. 

King of Poland, and the Republic of Venice, to which also the 
Czar was invited. This war went on with varying fortunes 
until the peace of Carlowitz, in 1699. This period included 
the rule of the famous Kupruli Mustapha Pasha, one of the 
most successful and most noted of the Macedonian family, 
which supplied five viziers to the Ottoman throne. He was 
probably one of the most intelligent, courageous and humane 
statesmen of Turkey, and his death in battle was regretted 
alike by Christians and Turks, who named him Kupruli the 
Virtuous. The tide, however, had set against Turkey, and 
under the influence of William of Orange the intrigues of 
Louis XIV, were set aside, and Turkey signed the peace of 
Carlowitz. By this Hungary and Transylvania were ceded to 
Austria, with the exception only of a small territory. Poland 
recovered Ukraine and Podolia ; Russia retained Azof; Venice 
on her part gave up her conquests to the north of the Gulf of 
Corinth and almost the whole of Dalmatia, and all the tributes 
paid by the Christian powers to the Ottoman courts were 
abolished. 

This was the first great gap made in the Ottoman Empire, and 
from this time it ceased to be an object of dread in Europe. 
Hitherto it had been isolated and owed its greatness to that 
fact in considerable degree. Now it was dominated by its 
allies and had to submit to the influence of ambitious neigh- 
bors or interested friends. Its decline could no lono-er be 
hindered, and already there was upon its borders that power 
of the north, which, by gaining an entrance to the Black Sea, 
commenced really its European life. 

The example of Kupruli the Virtuous was followed by 
Kupruli the Wise, who immediately set himself about im- 
proving the general condition of the empire. In the European 



1 



sultan's rule nominal. 181 

provinces he favored his Christian subjects in regard to the 
payment of arrears of taxes, and in Syria he gave them free- 
dom of pasturage for flocks. The Mussulmans under the 
general influences of the time retrograded in their devotion to 
their religion, and he strove by every means to recall them to 
the study and practice of that religion, but failed to keep a 
a hold even upon the Moslem leaders, and yielded his life to 
their intrigues. This was about the commencement of the 
eighteenth century, and through that century the history, so 
far as the immediate empire itself is concerned, is a varying 
one. It commenced with a time of peace, under the diminu- 
tion of French influence and a general disregard of the Russian 
power. That, however, under Peter the Great, commenced 
aggressions that soon aroused Mussulman pride, which, irri- 
tated at the appearance of the infidel on the Black Sea, 
hitherto regarded as sacred to Islam, declared war. This re- 
sulted in the restoration of Azof to the Ottoman Government 
and the shutting: out of Russia from the Black Sea. More 
and more, however, the influence of European politics (dwelt 
upon more in detail in another chapter) was evident in in- 
ternal disturbances, which had their effect not merely upon 
Christians, but upon Moslems, and Russian intrigue played an 
increasingly powerful part in the general development of the 
empire. 

Even throughout Asiatic Turkey the rule of the Sultan was 
scarcely more than nominal. The province of Bagdad was 
practically independent, furnished no revenues, and, although 
a certain suzerainty of the Sultan was acknowledged, even 
war with a European power brought no troops, which were 
held to be necessary as a defense against the Arabs. Through- 
out Eastern Turkey there were whole nations or tribes of 



l82 THE MAMELUKES. 

people independent of the Sultan and his pashas, and the 
Pasha of Trebizond was master of the whole country. Aghas, 
or independent lords, maintained armies even up to the 
borders of Smyrna, and the mountains throughout Asia 
Minor and the Lebanon were perfectly independent. Most 
of them, aside from the Armenians and Greeks, were 
Moslems, yet not a few sectaries, as Kurds and the 
Metawelis, united religious to political hostility. On the 
coast of Syria, only the ports were under strong Turkish 
rule, and caravans from Alexandretta to Aleppo dared 
not cross the mountains because of the Kurds. At this 
same time was developed the power of the Mamelukes 
in Egypt, under the famous Ali Bey, who joined with him 
an Arab chief, and dominated pretty nearly all of Syria. 
In 1770 the empire seemed near its dismemberment. The 
Russians held the Danube and Azof, Georgia was in rebellion, 
even Damascus was threatened, and Ali Pasha, of Janina, 
was laying the foundations of his power in Albania. The 
next step downward was the treaty of Kainardji in 1774, 
which gave Crimea to the Czar, accorded the navigation of 
the Black Sea to Russia, and ceded a portion of the Caucasus. 
True, some of the Danube provinces were regained, but this 
was of comparatively little moment. Another peace, that of 
Jassy, signalized an additional step in the same downward 
direction. Constantly there were increasing disorders in ad- 
ministration. The Sultans were less and less men of ability, 
dominated by the Janissaries or by the ecclesiastics, and 
Turkey became the football of the various strifes for pre- 
dominance in Europe. 

The present century opened with another war with Russia, 
when the latter invaded the Danubian principalities, taking 
advantage of a revolt of the Servians. 



CHAPTER X. 

Turkey and Europe. 

First Intercourse — Alliance between Francis I and Suleiman the Magnificent — Intrigues 
between France and Austria — The First Treaty — Nature of Capitulations — Peculiar 
Favors Granted to the French — Their Recognition as the Protectors of Christians — 
Entrance of Other Powers — Louis XIV and His Ambassador — Influence of De Breves 
— Peace of Carlowitz — Turkey No Longer Dreaded in Europe. 

INTERCOURSE between Turkey and the European powers 
commenced with the first invasion of the Balkan Peninsula, 
but there were no formal relations until a Russian ambas- 
sador entered Constantinople in 1495. That, however, was 
not followed by important consequences, and Turkey did not 
commence its career of European influence until the time of 
Francis I, of France, about 1525. The French monarch 
found himself in a very difficult situation. The house of 
Austria had surrounded him, excluding him from the Mediter- 
ranean ; not only that, allied with Venice, she thus controlled 
the Adriatic, possessed Oran and theoretically the whole 
northern coast of Africa ; while her relations with Spain made 
her mistress of Barcelona, Naples and Sicily. France seemed 
to be shut out entirely from Mediterranean power. It 
was absolutely necessary for her at any price to find some 
counterpoise ; to oppose to Austria some other power, which 
should perhaps by its own force, perhaps in alliance, enable 

(183) 



x 84 the lilies and the crescent. 

her to regain her legitimate influence in the Mediterranean 
and her commercial relations to the countries of the Levant. 
It is scarcely surprising that France looked with longing eyes 
to the Turks. Suleiman the Magnificent was at the height of 
his power and the foundation of his kingdom seemed impreg- 
nable. His armies were attacking Hungary, his ships held 
the Adriatic and the Black Seas ; he could by no possibility 
come into rivalry with France ; each had the same enemies ; 
both were united by the same needs of commerce, and both 
had a warlike reputation to sustain. True, Suleiman was a 
Moslem and Francis I a Christian, and when the alliance be- 
tween them became known there arose a general clamor 
against the " impious union of the Lilies with the Crescent." 
Whatever Francis thought, it is scarcely probable that he 
looked upon the Turkish power as likely to spread much 
farther west, and planned to use it as a weapon, which, after a 
time, he might lay aside. For some time messengers had 
been passing back and forth making full inquiry as to the 
condition of the Ottoman rule, and secret negotiations had 
been entered into with the Sultan for the protection of French 
commerce. It was therefore no matter of surprise that he 
sent an ambassador, who was, however, arrested and mur- 
dered on the way. A second was sent who carried a letter 
purporting to request the furtherance of the attack upon 
Hungary and proposing to use counter influence on the other 
side of the continent. This second envoy was received with 
great honors, and notwithstanding the fact that Francis was 
then in captivity, the Sultan expressed his royal determina- 
tion to enter into alliance with the French king, the token of 
which was a letter written in 1526. This was the commence- 
ment of those alliances which for the succeeding 300 years, 



FOREIGN ALLIANCES. 1 85 

with differing degrees of fidelity, were kept up, and 
proved of great value to France and of no little support to 
Turkey. Five years later came the reception of a special 
ambassador. Extraordinary honors were accorded to him 
such as have been given, it is said, to no Christian ambassador 
succeeding him. That these should be permitted by the 
Sultan's subjects is attributed by Turkish historians to a 
report that made Mohammed II, the Conqueror of Constan- 
tinople, the child of a princess of the royal family of France ; 
intended to be the bride of Emperor John IV, but who had 
been taken captive in 1428. Austria at the same time sent 
an ambassador, but he could by no means secure the same 
treatment as his French associate. He, however, succeeded 
in securing the first peace concluded between the two govern- 
ments, in 1533. The check given by Charles V to the 
advance of the Ottoman power along the African coast made 
him appear to the world as the liberator of the Christians 
and the terror of the infidels, and gave him such prestige 
that Francis felt obliged to get all the advantage possible out 
of his alliance. Accordingly the official envoy met the Sul- 
tan and a treaty was signed at Constantinople, in 1536. This 
was in the form of what is known as a Hatti Sherif, or an 
order from the Sultan which was the basis of all the treaties 
that have been concluded since that period between Turkey 
and the European nations. While substantially a treaty, it 
took the form of a concession, and from this has arisen the 
word " Capitulation " which has become recognized in all 
Turkish history as governing the relations between the Turks 
and Christians. It has always been contrary to the idea of 
the Moslem that a treaty can be made with Christians ; con- 
cessions (capitulations) can be granted, and this is what has 



!86 TREATY PROVISIONS. 

repeatedly been done in the diplomatic relations between the 
empires. 

This first treaty is extremely interesting. In it Suleiman 
gives to Francis I the title of Padiska, looked upon as sacred 
by the Turks, and it is said only accredited to one other 
Christian monarch, the Czar Paul, of Russia. The first 
articles were as follows : 

1. That as there is peace and concord between the Grand 
Seignior and the King of France, their respective subjects 
and tributaries may freely navigate and go into their different 
ports for their commerce, buy, sell, load, conduct, and trans- 
port, by water or by land, from one country to another, all 
kinds of merchandise not prohibited, in paying the ordinary 
dues, without being subjected to any imposition, tribute, or 
other charge. 

2. That when the king shall send to Constantinople, or to 
any other part of the Ottoman Empire, a consul, in like 
manner as the one he keeps at Alexandria, that consul shall 
be accepted and sustained in his authority and shall judge 
according to his faith and law, without that any judge or cadi 
shall hear, judge, and pronounce, as well civilly as criminally, 
upon the causes, processes, or differences which may arise, 
between the subjects of the king only ; and that the officers 
of the Grand Seignior shall lend assistance for the execution 
of the judgments of the consuls, any sentence passed by the 
cadis between French merchants to be necessarily null and 
void. 

3. That in case of any civil contestation between the Turks 
and the French, the plaint of the first, named shall not be 
received by the cadis unless they should bring proof in writ- 
ing of the hand of the adversary or that of the consul, and 



TREATY STIPULATIONS CONTINUED. zgj 

that in any case the subjects of the king shall not be judged 
without their dragoman being present. 

4. That in criminal matters the subjects of the king may 
not be brought before the cadi or ordinary judge, rTor be 
judged at once, but be conducted before the Sublime Porte, 
and in the absence of the Grand Vizier, before his substitute,' 
in order that the testimony of the Turkish subject against the 
king's subject may be discussed. 

5. That no use shall be made of the merchant ships 
belonging to the king's subjects, nor of their artillery, muni- 
tions and equipages against their will, even for the service of 
the Grand Seignior. 

6. That if any subject of the king quits the States of the 
Grand Seignior without having satisfied his debts, neither the 
consul nor any other Frenchman shall be responsible for 
them; but the king shall make satisfaction to the plaintiff 
upon the goods or person of the debtor, should it be in his 
kingdom. 

7. That the French merchants and subjects of the king 
shall freely make their wills, and that the goods of those who 
shall die intestate shall be remitted to the heir by the care 
and authority of the consul. 

The importance of these articles is very evident. Theoret- 
ically there could be no cordial relations whatever between 
Christians and Moslems. The more enlightened judgment, 
however, that had already recognized the necessity of a 
modus vivendi with the Christian subjects of the Sultan, 
recognized now also a similar necessity in connection with the 
great states to the west with which the Sultan must come 
into relation, but which he could not hope to conquer, at least 
for some time to come. Thus there was introduced the 



1 88 TREATY RESULTS. 

important innovation in the law of nations, since developed 
into the principle of extraterritoriality, and recognized in all 
treaties between Christian nations and Moslem or pagan 
governments, where the habits of life, the national customs 
and general laws are of necessity very different. This 
treaty gave to the French the advantage of their national 
laws and customs even under foreign rule ; recognized that 
in certain respects they had more rights and liberties even 
than the Sultan's subjects had, by acknowledging the protec- 
tion of their national magistrates. As was inevitable, out of 
this came the development of small French colonies centered 
about the mercantile houses ; consuls also lost largely their 
commercial character and became civil magistrates and even 
political agents. It is probably to this treaty that is due the 
fact that to-day all foreigners are classed under the general 
term of "Franks," which has also been applied even to many 
of the Christian subjects of the Sultan. 

But there were other articles of this famous treaty of great 
importance. The French were guaranteed the absolutely 
free exercise of worship. Their bishops and other priests of 
this ''Frank" religion, of whatever nation, were to be left 
undisturbed wherever they dwelt, provided they kept within the 
bounds of their condition. Thus, by an easy extension, France 
secured the right of protection over all Catholics in the East, 
and thus over the holy places in Palestine, as well as over 
all the edifices of the Church. More than this, the French 
flag became the protection for European merchants of other 
governments not allied to the Porte by treaties, and, as a 
matter of fact, every Christian nation was obliged to seek 
the protection of the French king in its trade with Turkey. 
A third condition was the liberation of slaves, and the Sultan, 



A GREAT EVENT. 1 89 

on his side, agreed not to enslave the French, while the King 
of France granted the same privilege with regard to Otto- 
mans. The signing of this treaty was in many respects the 
most significant event in Turkish history. Probably without 
any realization of its ultimate results, the greatest Sultan that 
Turkey ever had voluntarily placed limits upon his relation 
with Christians, and laid down the principles which have 
governed Turkey in her foreign treaties ever since. 

Previous to this time the only treaties between the Otto- 
mans and European powers had been certain commercial 
treaties with Venice. These had dated from the first incur- 
sions of the Turks into Europe, and in them Venice was 
placed upon the footing of a vassal and tributary of the 
Sultan. This was done as early as 1408, and tribute varying 
from 1,600 to 10,000 ducats was paid at different times until 
the capture of Constantinople, when peace was purchased by 
an annual tribute of 36,000 ducats and the sending of a rep- 
resentative to Constantinople, whom the Turks regarded and 
treated as a hostage. 

o 

The alliance between Turkey and France went through 
various stages. At first Francis I seemed not quite to realize 
the whole bearing of -his alliance with the Turk, and sought 
to come to terms with Charles V. The conditions, however, 
were not acceptable, and the result was a new alliance, not- 
withstanding the fact that the ambassador who was charged 
with the duty of securing the alliance was assassinated on the 
way. Undoubtedly at times the French king was very 
anxious, for his new allies seemed to have as much desire for 
the French coast as for that of Spain. Still, they were 
essential almost to his very existence, and he maintained 
terms of harmony. After the middle of the sixteenth century, 



I90 NEW PRIVILEGES. 

however, the alliance was merely political. It had been 
entered upon on the part of the French in order to limit the 
house of Austria ; on the part of Turkey for the purpose of 
attacking more easily the countries of Europe. The end of 
the former was obtained by a treaty, which suspended the 
struggle with Austria for nearly a century ; and the latter 
found itself barred by Hungary, Italy and Spain. The next 
was a renewal, on the part of Suleiman's successor, of the 
capitulations already made, but with certain modifications 
rendered necessary by the developing hostility of Turks for 
Christians. New privileges were also added. Every French- 
man settled in the country was perpetually exempted from 
the capitation tax ; French officers were allowed to search for 
French slaves seized by Mussulmans, and to demand punish- 
ment for those who stole or captured them ; the Sultan also 
engaging to make restitution for such acts of piracy. French 
ships were treated kindly, and given assistance in case of 
running aground on the shores of Turkey, and the persons 
and effects of those who were ship-wrecked were to be re- 
spected. The most important of all, perhaps, was the fact 
that the French enjoyed to the full the privileges which the 
Venetians secured only through payment of tribute. The re- 
sult was that France was mistress of the commerce of the 
Mediterranean, and she improved the opportunity, so as to 
establish Catholic missions with the consent of the Sultan, 
and convents were located even in Constantinople. At about 
this time (1569) Turkey and Russia first measured their mili- 
tary strength, and Turkey was driven back from the Don, 
and a scheme for a ship canal, which should connect the 
Black Sea and the Caspian by the Sea of Azof and the Don 
and Volga, was stopped. 



FURTHER ENLARGED. 



I 9 I 



A few years later, in 1577, these privileges were enlarged, 
so that France was acknowledged the protector of very 
nearly all Europeans who sought to reach the Levant. Her 
ambassadors had precedence of those of other Christian 
lands, and especially of Spain, while Englishmen, Portuguese 
and some others were dependant upon the French flag for 
protection. England, however, was unwilling to rest in this 
situation, and the first ambassador sent by Elizabeth to the 
Porte obtained capitulations analogous to those of France, 
but limited to commerce. He also sought Turkish aid against 
Spain, as France had against Austria, but with less of success, 
the Sultan caring less about the Spaniards, who were far 
away, than the Austrians, who were near at hand. Russia 
also in 1786 sent ambassadors with rich presents, and it was 
scarcely surprising that the Ottomans were greatly exalted by 
their victories. Poland solicited the arrangement of treaties ; 
Venice congratulated the Sultan upon his success over the 
Germans ; the English ambassador accompanied him in per- 
son in his campaign, and France reconfirmed her alliance. 
It was at the close of the sixteenth century that France was 
represented at Constantinople by Savary de Breves, who did 
for France what Lord Stratford de Redcliffe did later for 
England. By the shrewdest means he gained such influence 
that a Turkish historian says: 

" It very nearly happened that in the house of Islam a veri- 
table enthusiasm was declared for France by the secret deal- 
ings of its accursed ambassador." 

That influence was powerful in many ways. It prevented 
the conversion of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre into a 
Mosque ; turned aside the Sultan's anger from the island of 
Scio ; protected the Christian churches in Constantinople from 



192 



ADVANTAGES TO OTHER POWERS. 



the attack of the Janissaries, but found even then that English 
influence was not easy to overcome. The British ambassador 
had succeeded in persuading the Porte that other nations, 
which had hitherto come under French auspices, might enjoy 
the same privileges under the English flag. Other powers 
also gained advantages: Poland secured capitulations, as also 
the Republic of Venice; and the United Provinces of the Low 
Countries obtained for the first time, in 1612, a treaty similar 
to those which France and England enjoyed. The use they 
made of this was characteristic. The Dutch introduced the 
use of tobacco into the empire. In vain did the priesthood 
try to oppose the innovation ; the soldiers and common people 
rose against them and they were compelled to revoke their 
decision. 

It is interesting to note the defense that De Breves made 
of the alliance between France and Turkey against the scru- 
ples of his own countrymen, and the declamations of others, 
who made this the basis of an accusation of treason against 
Christianity. Not only, he said, were the commercial 
advantages very great, and the political prestige most valua- 
ble, but Christianity itself was greatly advanced, inasmuch as 
it appropriated every sort of merchandise to be gathered 
from the East, and was enriched by the accruing wealth. He 
also dwelt upon the preservation of the Christian name and 
of the " Catholic religion." This is stated somewhat more 
fully in another chapter. 

French influence, however, suffered after the time of De 
Breves considerable change. This was due primarily to the 
fact that the general policy of the Sublime Porte toward the 
European Governments was no longer that of war, but of 
peace, so that this alliance was open to all. The entrance of 



A SERIES OF INTRIGUES. 



*93 



other ambassadors brought other influences, and nations hos- 
tile to France used the ignorance of the Turks to further their 
own ends. So also France found Turkey of less use than 
formerly, finding surer and less dangerous allies in the Prot- 
estants of Germany. Other reasons were the weakness of 
the Ottoman Sultans, and also the weakness of the French 
ambassadors; the former paid no attention to the capitula- 
tions, claiming that they were under no obligations to keep 
their word with Christians; the latter, ignorant of the religion, 
laws and customs of the Ottomans, had no knowledge of 

o 

when to waive their peculiar prejudices, and when to insist 
upon the preservation of their rights. This was especially 
noticeable during the first half of the seventeenth century, 
and had its results in serious losses to the Roman Catholic 
Church, and the general cause of Christians in the empire. 

The reign of Louis XIV was a continued series of intrigues, 
demands for renewals of treaties, recriminations against the 
bad faith of the Ottomans, support now of the Venetians and 
then of the Turks; until, in 1670, a more skilful ambassador 
than France had sent at any time since De Breves, secured 
special favors. The customs duty was reduced, the King of 
France recognized as the unique protector of the Catholics 
of the East, and above all, French merchandise coming from 
India given the through passage by the Red Sea and across 
Egypt The French ambassador regarded Egypt as the true 
route to India, and after much negotiation and many threats, 
in 1673 the new treaty was signed. True, the question of 
through passage to India was not mentioned, but private 
arrangements with the Pasha of Egypt secured that favor. 
The treaty, however, was not destined to have great results. 
Henceforward the policy of France was not to advance in 



194 



THE HOLY ALLIANCE. 



cordial relations with her Turkish ally. She laid down her 
arms when Turkey commenced war, and Turkey made peace 
as soon as France entered upon a campaign. The result 
was evident in the development of the house of Austria, and 
the establishment of the power of Russia. In marked con- 
trast to the course of France was that taken by the Poles. 
Already reference has been made to the effort of Louis XIV 
to secure the alliance of Sobieski and allow the Turkish Gov- 
ernment free course in its effort to overpower Austria, and to 
the Pole's noble defense of Austria as the greatest Christian 
barrier to the spread of the Moslem power. One result of 
this action was the establishment of the Holy Alliance, when 
Austria, Poland, and Venice commenced the war against the 
Sultan, which ended only in the peace of Carlowitz, which had 
this chief result — that Turkey was no longer an isolated power, 
but closely bound to the interests of Europe. 



CHAPTER XL 

Russia and Turkey. 

Aggression of Peter the Great — Diminution and Renewal of French Influence — The Con- 
test over the Holy Places — Victory of Russian Influence in Favor of the Greek Church — 
Russia's Religious Propaganda Among the Greeks — Rise of Phil-Hellenism— Dismem- 
berment Talked of— Effect of the French Revolution— The Russian Fleet in the Dar- 
danelles—The English Fleet at Constantinople— Peace of Tilsit— Plan for Partition- 
Accession of Mahmud II. 

FROM the Peace of Carlowitz the history of the Turkish 
Empire is involved with that of Europe to a degre e 
hitherto unknown. The varied schemes of ambitious rulers, 
the influences of popular movements, were felt even across the 
Bosporus, and Turkey becoming no longer an Asiatic but a 
European power, found itself in a situation singularly incon- 
gruous. There was all the old Ottoman pride, which had its 
sharpest illustration in the custom of throwing European 
ambassadors into the prison at the Seven Towers whenever 
there was danger of hostilities, and there was also that 
recognition of commercial relations and need which militated 
so sharply against the former as to inevitably result in the 

decadence of the following- centuries. The eighteenth Cen- 
to fc> 

tury opened with considerable diminution of French influ- 
ence and with marked aggression on the part of the Czar. 

(195) 



I96 WAR AND PEACE. 

Unfortunately for Turkey the Porte knew little and cared 
less about the entrance of this last element, and paid little 
attention to the efforts made by Charles XII to stop the 
advance of Peter the Great. The battle of Pultowa had a 
strange result in the reception of the Swedish King by the 
Sultan and the combination of his efforts with those of French 
ambassadors to secure an alliance against Russia, which, 
however, would have failed, probably, had not the Russian 
fleet appeared. The embassy of the Czar to counteract 
their efforts appeared on a squadron which entered from the 
Black Sea and cast anchor before the windows of the Seraglio. 
The following years were a kaleidoscope of war and peace, 
treaty and aggression ; now with Russia, now with Venice 
and Austria, resulting in the peace of Passarowitz, in which 
Peter pledged himself not to appropriate any part of Poland 
or to meddle with the government of its republic, but to make 
every effort to prevent the sovereignty and hereditary suc- 
cession from being attached to its crown. A second article 
was the securing of freedom for Russians and Turks to 
travel and traffic in all safety in each empire. Pilgrimages 
to Jerusalem were to be subjected to no pecuniary exactions 
and Russian ecclesiastics throughout the East were to remain 
unmolested. Thus was taken the first step toward the 
dominating power of Russia in the Holy Land, which has 
since had so great an effect. The next step was the alliance 
between Austria and Russia to secure the ruin of Turkey 
notwithstanding the alliance with France. Again treaty was 
followed by war and war by treaty, until by the treaty of 
Belgrade the desert territory of Azof was to form the 
boundary between the two empires ; commerce on the Black 
Sea was to be free, with the condition, however, that the 




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TURKEY AND SWEDEN. I 99 

Russians should only employ Turkish vessels. For this the 
credit must chiefly be given to the French ambassador 
Villeneuve, who restored the prestige which had fallen low 
under the successors of De Breves. 

The Frenchman's next victory was the developing of a 
treaty of friendship and commerce into a treaty of alliance, 
offensive and defensive, between the Porte and Sweden, for 
mutual support against the aggression of Russia. He also, 
in 1740, secured a formal treaty of friendship and commerce 
between France and the Porte, which has only been renewed 
once since, in 1802, and which still regulates the relations of 
France with the Ottoman Empire. In this the precedence 
previously accorded to the representatives of France was 
renewed and new privileges given to the French consuls, 
merchants and traders. A special rate of duty was extended 
to every kind of merchandise and French proteges, as well 
as Frenchmen themselves, even when wearing Oriental dress, 
were granted free access to the States of the Sultan without 
payment of a tax. One effect of this general diplomatic 
intrigue was to give to Turkey the idea that its friendship 
was sought on account of its power, whereas as a matter of 
fact she had become weak and was liable to be overborne 
at any time by one power or the other. This influenced her 
to remain neutral during the war of the Austrian succession, 
and rendered her blind to the revelations of the French 
ambassador as to the encroachments of Russia. That 
government had spread its fortifications into every territory 
which had been declared neutral, by this means cutting off 
communication between the Turks and the Tartars of Southern 
Russia, as well as usurping a considerable territory. But all 
to no avail. The Ottoman preferred peace and paid little 



aoo THE HOLY PLACES. 

attention to the steps that were being taken against his 
power. 

Frequent references have been made to the relation of the 
European governments, especially France and Russia, to the 
Holy Places in Jerusalem. That question became at this 
time a very important one, and a brief survey of the situation 
will be in place. The possession of these places was dis- 
puted between the Latins, the Greeks and the Armenians. 
The Moslem law recognized no one of them as having ex- 
clusive rights, but held that each communion might enter and 
observe its ceremonies. To one, however, there was accorded 
a certain primacy, involved in the keeping of the keys, re- 
pairing the edifices, maintaining them at their own cost, light- 
ing them, and having general care for them. This privilege 
was accorded primarily by the Porte to the French ambassa- 
dor, according to the firman given in 1564: 

" The keys of the doors of the said place (the grotto in 
which Jesus Christ was born) are in the hands of the Franks, 
and pass successively from one to the other of those among 
them who arrive at Jerusalem, and that, as well before as 
since the taking of that city by the Sultan Selim I, up to the 
present date, without having passed into other hands than 
theirs. It is they who open to those of the Mussulmans or 
of the Christians who dwell in, or who come to Jerusalem, 
and who desire to visit that place (the grotto). There is no 
record that they have ceased to possess the said keys, nor that 
any one has contested with them for their possession, and 
has dispossessed them of the keys. They are in constant 
and uninterrupted possession of them from the most remote 
times up to the day of the date of the present act. Con- 
sequently, the under-mentioned judge has confirmed the pos- 



RIGHTS OF THE FRANKS. • 2 OI 

session of the keys of the said places in the hands of the 
Frank nation." 

Later, in 1 620, another firman has the following : 

"The Franks, ancient exclusive possessors of the Great 
Church of Bethlehem and the Church of the Tomb of the 
Virgin, have, of their full accord, granted to each of the other 
Christian communions sanctuaries in the Superior Church; 
but the inferior portion, the place wherein Jesus Christ was 
born (may salvation rest with him ! ) is the sanctuary of the 
Frankish monks ; no other nation has any right therein, and 
it is forbidden to each and every nation to usurp hereafter the 
said place. . . . We order that no individual be permitted, 
Armenian or other, to say mass in the place where Jesus 
Christ was born, a place situate underneath the Church of 
Bethlehem, no more than in the cupola, which is called the 
tomb of Jesus Christ ; neither in the interior of the tomb of 
the Holy Virgin ; nor finally in the sanctuaries which, from the 
old time, belonged to the Frankish monks." 

In 1633 a st ^ more explicit firman states: 

. . . "To-day the Frankish monks came to produce the 
titles which are in their hands. We have examined them, and 
have recognized that they were ancient and authentic papers. 
They prove that all the places above mentioned, as well as 
the possession of the three doors of the grotto of Bethlehem, 
and the keys of those doors, belonged exclusively to the 
Frankish monks since the conquest of Jerusalem by the 
Calif Omar, and that at the epoch at which Selim I made 
himself master of those Holy Places, that a large number of 
localities have remained, as before, in the hands of the same 
Frankish monks. We order that the Franks have, as 
anciently, the possession and enjoyment of the grotto situate 



202 PRECEDENCE IN WORSHIP. 

at Bethlehem, and known under the name of the Crib of 
Jesus Christ, upon which the Greeks have seized, as it is said, 
to the detriment of the Frankish monks, by fraud, and by 
producing false titles ; that they have the possession and en- 
joyment of the keys of the three doors, north, south and 
west, of the said grotto, and of two small gardens which 
belong to it ; that they may have again, and in the said man- 
ner which they have had from all time, the enjoyment and 
possession of the stone of unction, situate in the Church 
of the Holy Sepulchre, the vaults of Calvary, the seven 
arches situate below Saint Mary, the two cupolas, great 
and small, which cover over the tomb of Jesus Christ ; that 
they may have, besides the enjoyment and possession, whether 
at Jerusalem of the tomb of St. Mary or monastery called Deir- 
al-Amoud, with its belongings and dependencies, or whether 
in the village of Nazareth, of the churches and monasteries; 
in a word, of all the places of which, up to the present day, 
they have had uncontested possession ; that henceforth neither 
the Greeks nor the Armenians, nor any other Christian nation, 
trouble or disquiet them, or cause them to be troubled or 
disquieted ; . . . that always, in the said places, and chiefly in 
Calvary, the Frankish monks may exercise their worship 
at their will and as in the past ; that they may place therein, 
as before, candles and torches, without any one hindering 
them ; that in the exercise of their worship, the prefect of the 
Frankish monks have, as in the past, precedence over all the 
monks of other nations, provided that they pay the tribute 
desired by ancient custom (about ^*8oo)." 

Notwithstanding these, the Greeks succeeded in forcibly 
taking away the power from the Latins within a year after 
this last firman, but forty years later were obliged to ^yield. 



CAPITULATIONS REAFFIRMED. 20 , 

Then followed a series of intrigues in whicn the Moslem 
Governors of Damascus and Jerusalem were bribed bv one 
party or the other to favor them. This resulted in 1676 in 
g.v.ng to the Greeks the keys, carpets and lamps of the sanc- 
uanes on condition of paying annually the rent of 1000 pias- 
ters for the income of the mosque of Sultan Ahmet in Con- 
stantinople In 1690, however, this judgment was reversed, 
and m ,7,8, in the treaty of Belgrade, the only stipulation by 
Russia was that the Russians should have the right of making 
pilgrimages to Palestine without molestation or payment of 
ransom The capitulations of ! 740 solemnly confirmed the 
rights of France, and peace seemed established. But aaain 
17 years later some Greek pilgrims pillaged the Catholic 
monastry at Jaffa, assailed the monks and the Catholics in the 
Church of the Holy Sepulchre, broke the lamps and scattered 
the ornaments ; and, then having purchased at a heavy price 
various affidavits, proclaimed to the Turkish Government the 
mterruption of their worship by the Latins. They found 

ShTrif fonrT g A e f r° r ° f the Grand Vizier ' and a Hatti 
Shenf followed wh,ch drove the Latins from the Church of 

he Virgin, and from that at Bethlehem, and placed under the 

specal care and protection of the Greeks the Church of the 

Holy Sepulchre and several other sanctuaries 

the GrTek "^ m ° Ve ™ to sta » * religious propaganda in 
the Greek provinces of Turkey. Peter III had senfzealous 
emissaries among them, one of whom, a Greek of Thessaly 

"the Ao ' i TU " ^ R r ia " ^"^ — e d the shores 
through S ' 7r y and the M ° rea: an ° ther ' a monk ' we «t 
lit nX T Cr ° at,a - He SaM to *e Sultan's subjects 

that neither Germany or Hungary could do anything for them • 
France was careless, Poland helpless; Russia alone cared for 



204 PHIL-HELLENISM. 

them, and was willing to help them; she alone belonged to 
the orthodox church. Stirred by these harangues, the Chris- 
tians of Albania, Servia and Montenegro arose, but too early 
for Russian movements, and the insurrection was of no avail. 
The emissary to the Morea found greater difficulty. A bishop 
promised to raise 100,000 Greeks at the approach of the Rus- 
sians, but a mountain chief refused to be seduced by flattery 
or yield to the threats. He gloried in his chieftainship of a 
free people, and said to the Russian that he was still a slave; 
if Russia cared to come as an ally, he would take up arms on 
condition of the war being pushed until the Turks were driven 
out. A third emissary went among the Rumanian provinces, 
but the Moldo-Wallachians achieved nothing more by an in- 
surrection than the pillaging of a few Turkish villages, and 
the only result of the three movements was to deprive the 
Christian merchants of their wealth, which was sent to Con- 
stantinople to insure their loyalty, and to raise a suspicion 
against all Christians on the part of the Porte. The intrigues 
of Russia, however, continued and there was over the whole 
empire a sense of uneasiness. The French ministers did 
their best to stir the Turks against Russia, but the ministry 
were either too weak or too lazy, and held off for a time. At 
last war was again declared, and the Empress Catherine de- 
spatched her fleet from the Baltic. The French ambassador 
called the Turks' attention to this and received in reply the 
expression: 

" Tell us how ships can get from St. Petersburg to Con- 
stantinople?" 

At the same time, 1769, Voltaire was trying to stir the 
spirit of Phil-Hellenism, in Germany and Russia. Already 
he urged the partition of Turkey and the restoration of the 



RUSSIAN PROTECTORATE. 205 

Greeks to independence. Fleets were fitted out ; England 
approved the project ; the Morea arose, but there was no 
general plan. The Russians withdrew and the Morea was 
terribly devastated. Similar results followed renewed move- 
ments in the Danubian Principalities ; but the Turkish fleet 
was defeated at Tchesmeh and the army on the Danube, and 
Russia appeared predominant. Then came the mediation of 
Austria, and England offered assistance, which, however, was 
refused by the Turks, partly under the influence of France, 
who was anxious to use the newly developing disturbances in 
America to help her in her opposition to England. There 
were leagues and counter-leagues from Austria and Russia, 
with bargains for Wallachia, Moldavia, Bosnia and Dalmatia, 
the Turkish Government developing its since famous prin- 
ciple of sowing discord among the European powers that 
thereby it might gain strength. 

The next step of importance was the Congress of Bucha- 
rest, when the Czarina sent in her demands for freedom of 
navigation in the Black Sea, in the Archipelago for ships of 
war and merchant vessels, the right of protection of the 
Greeks in the Ottoman Empire, and various other things, all 
of which, however, were indignantly rejected by the Turks, 
who went to war and gained marked success. This, however, 
was followed by the treaty of Kainardji, in 1774, when Russia 
received the protectorate over the Danubian Provinces, over 
the Christians of Turkey, and was henceforth to be the 
" oracle of the diplomatic negotiations pursued by the Porte ; 
the arbiter of peace or war, the soul of the most important 
affairs of the empire." French influence received a mortal 
blow in gaining a rival in the protectorate of the Christians, 
who by having advantage of position, race and origin, could 



2 o6 DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES. 

be no longer baffled. England, too, had been made a 
tool of and her influence was at a low ebb. 

The Russians followed up their advantage by intriguing 
anew in the Danubian Provinces, bu came again in contact 
with Austria, whom the French king sought to stir up to ex- 
tend her territory in proportion as Russia extended hers. 
Very little, however, was gained and Russia secured the 
sovereignty of the Crimea, fresh rights over the Black Sea, 
and seemed in the way to accomplish the project of a new 
Eastern Empire, which had already been set forth by Cathe- 
rine. England meanwhile had her hands busy with America 
and paid little attention to Eastern affairs until her Western 
task was finished, when she again entered the lists, endeavor- 
ing to drive Turkey to war with Russia. In this she suc- 
ceeded and again came talk of dismemberment. Russia's 
advance along the Danube compelled England to act more 
positively in aid of Turkey, when the French Revolution 
broke out and turned every one's attention, except that of 
Russia, away from Turkey. Then came the treaty of Jassy, 
in 1792, when the Danubian Principalities ceased to be recog- 
nized as Turkish Provinces. 

The first result of the French Revolution was the war of 
the allied monarchs to restore the house of Bourbon, and in 
this as hitherto entered the question of Turkey. England as 
well as the rest sought to induce the Porte to break with 
France, and to this end endeavored to secure some conces- 
sions from Russia. The Porte, however, preserved its neu- 
trality and continued to extend its protection to French com- 
mercial interests. Its increasing weakness, however, led 
Europe to believe that the empire was fast approaching dis- 
solution. This also was the opinion of France, and Napoleon, 



NAPOLEON S AMBITION. 207 

looking forward to taking a part in dismemberment, planned 
for the leading part to belong to himself. The French 
ambassador at Constantinople advised the renunciation of 
the alliance with the Porte and the appropriation of the 
provinces escaping from its rule. Accordingly, with this came 
the invasion of Egypt and the sudden disillusion on the part 
of the Turks of the value of the French alliance. England, 
Russia and Austria profited by this to arouse French opposi- 
tion, and at last war was declared, the result of which was the 
ruin of French influence in the Levant and an alliance between 
the Porte and Russia, the admission of the Russian fleet into 
the Dardanelles and the treaty of Constantinople, by which 
the two powers mutually guaranteed each other's possessions, 
including Egypt. To this Great Britain acceded. 

In the peace of Amiens England desired to bind the Porte 
as a contracting party, but Napoleon persisted in a separate 
peace with Turkey, and sought to gain favor by evacuating 
Egypt and restoring the original situation. On the other 
hand, the capitulations of 1 740 were renewed with new articles, 
recognizing the incontestable right of French vessels in the 
Black Sea. Napoleon's ambition for Eastern conquest con- 
tinued, and it was not long before the peace of Amiens was 
broken through the re-establishment of French relations with 
Turkey and the refusal of England to give up Malta and of 
Russia to give up the Ionian Islands, where they had placed 
a garrison. Then followed various concessions and accessions 
accompanied by considerable dread on the part of the Turks 
of the new French power, until the battle of Austerlitz made 
him appear a most desirable ally. 

Meanwhile the Turkish Government had so thoroughly left 
Servia to the brigands and the Janissaries that in despair 



2 o8 BRITISH AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 

they resolved to strike for independence, and called for the 
protection and support of Russia. Similarly Rumania thought 
to lean upon France for its independence, and the general 
result was a rupture of the peace and the occupation by 
Russia of Wallachia and Moldavia. Napoleon sent aid to the 
Porte and urged the fortification of the Straits. Then the 
English ambassador made strong demands, calling for the 
expulsion of the French ambassador, the concession of the 
Danubian Provinces to Russia, the giving up of the Turkish 
fleet to England, as well as of the forts and batteries of the Dar- 
danelles, and threatened an expedition against Constantinople. 
Already the Russian fleet was at the island of Tenedos, when 
it was joined by the British admiral, who, taking advantage 
of a favorable wind and a feast of Bairam, forced the passage 
of the Dardanelles, burned the Turkish fleet near Gallipoli 
and anchored off the Princes' Islands. 

Sharp conditions were sent demanding the dismissal of 
the French ambassador, the renewal of alliance between 
England and Russia, free passage of the straits and the sur- 
render of the Turkish navy. The Frenchman, however, did 
not lose courage. He pointed out that the wind was no 
longer favorable and that it would not be difficult to defend 
the city. Encouraging messages came from Napoleon, and 
meanwhile the English ambassador, thinking himself secure, 
occupied himself with negotiations instead of taking action. 
The result was that, notwithstanding summons after summons 
from the fleet, the Turkish defense was complete and the 
English ships had to withdraw through the Dardanelles. 
Then came the sudden deposition of Sultan Selim by a 
revolution of the Yamaks, which disgusted Napoleon and 
undoubtedly influenced him in arranging the peace of Tilsit, 



PARTITION. 209 

which was concluded, to the complete abandonment of Turkey 
by France. It was stipulated that hostilities should cease 
between Turkey and Russia, after an armistice concluded in 
the presence of a French commissioner ; but a secret article 
made still more apparent the policy of France, in which it 
was declared that in case the mediation of France was not 
accepted she would make common cause with Russia against 
the Ottoman Porte, withdraw all the Turkish provinces, in 
Europe, from its rule, with the exception of Constantinople 
and province of Rumelia. From correspondence it is 
gathered that the partition would have been as follows:. 
France to have Bosnia, Albania, Epirus, all Greece, Thessaly 
and Macedonia ; Austria to have Servia ; Russia to have 
Wallachia, Moldavia, Bulgaria and Thrace, as far as the 
Maritza. The French mediation was accepted, but definite 
arrangements could not be secured. English intrigues inter- 
rupted, but before any definite result could be achieved 
another Sultan had been deposed and Mahmud II came to 
the throne. 



CHAPTER XII. 
Mahmud II. 

4 A Disintegrating Empire — An Energetic Sultan — Napoleon and Alexander — Lord Stratford 
de Redcliffe — Greek War for Independence — Russia's Perfidy — Destruction of the Janis- 
saries — Reforms Attempted — Mehemet AH of Egypt — Accession of Abd-ul-Medjid. 

THE general situation at the commencement of the reign 
of Mahmud II is thus clearly described by Sir Stratford 
Canning: 

" The state of Turkey itself was anything but satisfactory 
in view of those powers who did not wish the Porte to become 
the prey either of Russia or of France. Both morally and 
materially the empire was bordering on decrepitude. The 
old political system of Turkey had worn itself out. The pop- 
ulation was not yet prepared for the new order of things. A 
depreciated currency, a disordered revenue, a mutinous 
militia, dilapidated fortresses, a decreasing population, a stag- 
nant industry, and general misrule, were the monuments which 
time had left of Ottoman domination in the second capital of 
the Roman Empire, and throughout those extensive regions 
which had been the successive seats of civilization, ever vary- 
ing, generally advancing, from the earliest periods of social 
settlement and historical tradition. A continual and often a 

sanguinary antagonism of creeds, of races, of districts and 
(216) 



A DECREPIT EMPIRE. 211 

authorities within the frontier, and frequent wars of little 
glory and much loss with the neighboring powers, had formed 
of late the normal condition of the Porte's dominions. 

"Russia, France, Austria, and even Persia, had by turns 
contracted the area and drained the resources of the empire. 
From the corrupt monotony of his seraglio, the Sultan had to 
send forth his firmans, his emissaries, his bands of irregular 
soldiery, or, it might be, his naval armaments, against an in- 
vading enemy, a rebellious chief, or an armed insurrection. 
Several great families, several unsubdued tribes, and here and 
there an overpowerful pasha, had succeeded in braving and 
circumscribing the imperial authority. The Mamelukes still 
prevailed in Egypt. The most important part of Syria was 
under the sway of a Christian Emir. Ali Pasha of Janina 
exercised royal power in the provinces bordering on Greece, 
and Greece itself, excited by Russia, was preparing to burst 
the fetters which had so long bound her to the Ottoman 
throne. Servia, Montenegro, and the Danubian Principalities 
were all more or less in league with Russia, and the Porte, at 
war with that formidable power, had everything to apprehend 
from the Russian forces concentrated upon her northern 
frontier. The Sultan's fleet was manned with Christian 
Greeks from the island population of the Archipelago ; the 
Barbary Powers were scarcely even in nominal dependence 
on the Porte ; and a sect of Mohammedans, called the Wah- 
habis, and having a kind of analogy with our Puritans, had 
hoisted a separate standard of religious belief in parts of 
Egypt and Arabia." 

Mahmud II was unquestionably the greatest monarch of the 
Osmanli dynasty from Suleiman the Magnificent, 1566, to his 
enthronement. He escaped assassination at the dethrone- 



212 NAPOLEON AND ALEXANDER. 

ment of Mustapha IV by concealment in an old oven, and was 
called from dust and ashes to be girded with the sword of 
Osman. He was then, by the death of Selim III and Mus- 
tapha IV, the only heir of the throne. The Janissaries killed 
his faithful and able grand vizier, who was bent upon reform- 
ing them, but Mahmud was sacred even to them. He then 
resolved upon their destruction, for sixteen years was slowly 
working towards it, and then the stroke fell upon them like a 
thunderbolt, and they were no more. 

He saw his empire going to ruin in every possible direction, 
and enemies multiplying on every hand. 

Napoleon and Alexander studied many schemes of dividing 
up the Turkish Empire, but in every scheme Russia was to 
have Constantinople and the Dardanelles, and to this France 
would never agree, and the whole scheme of division fell 
through. In a few years Moscow was in flames to drive out 
Napoleon, and France had twice been occupied by foreign 
armies, while Constantinople remained intact. 

Mahmud had plans of reform in all departments of govern- 
ment, and he, first of all the Sultans of his dynasty, saw not 
merely the political necessity of friendly relations with the 
Christian nations, but the advantage to his own government 
of modeling his army and navy after them. In 1809 he made 
a treaty with England to the disgust of the other powers. In 
1 8 10 he had many bloody battles with the Russians on the 
Danube, in which he lost Silistria and other valuable positions. 
But the plans of Napoleon troubled Russia, and she was glad 
to make peace with Turkey and withdraw her forces for other 
uses, giving up Silistria and other places. 

By the treaty of Bucharest, 181 2, Moldavia and Wallachia 
were given back to the Sultan. Servia, also, after a most de- 



SIR STRATFORD CANNING. 213 

voted struggle for freedom, was coldly surrendered to the 
Turks, who occupied the fortresses and renewed their tyranny. 
A Servian historian accuses Russia of this base abandonment 
for the purpose of finding, at some future time, an occasion for 
intervention. 

In the treaty of Bucharest, Sir Stratford Canning (quoted 
above), a young man of twenty-three, first displayed that re- 
markable insight and skill which made him during his long 
career the greatest diplomat England has produced. France 
was earnestly seeking an alliance with Turkey. Russia was 
disposed to peace because she had 22,000 of her choicest 
troops on the Danube, which a favorable peace would enable 
her to withdraw. Canning showed the Turks clearly the 
dangers they would incur by mingling in the contests of 
France and Russia. All parties acknowledged the consum- 
mate skill with which he cleared away objections and effected 
a treaty useful to Turkey, Russia and England. 

The embarrassment of the Sultan increased on every side, 
and his reign became a struggle for existence rather than for 
reform. The rebellious Janissaries were always a thorn in 
his side, but in Egypt the Mamelukes were far worse than the 
Janissaries. The Wahabites had raised a powerful insurrec- 
tion in Arabia and would dominate the sacred cities. Greece 
was also threatening rebellion, but, worst of all, England, 
France, Austria and Russia were pressing upon him conflict- 
ing claims which might result in war. The Ulema, the whole 
power of the Mosques, were against all reforms, all innova- 
tions, and they backed up the Janissaries in their rebellions. 
He faced all his enemies with unflinching resolution. He 
committed to Mehemet Ali of Egypt the work of subduing the 
Mamelukes and Wahabites. He performed his work with an 



214 UPRISING OF THE GREEKS. 

energy and success that amazed the world. The Sultan soon 
understood that if two enemies had been destroyed, one had 
come forward more powerful and dangerous than the two, 
one who was destined to wreck the empire but for the inter- 
vention of Europe. 

It was about this time that the famous hetceria arose, an 
association destined to have great influence among the Greeks, 
and to play an important part in Greek independence. The 
Greeks, like most of the Christians under Turkish rule, 
accepted that authority so long as it did not affect their 
religion and general customs. Certain ones, however, proved 
recalcitrant. Some mountaineers took refuge in the rough 
country back from the coast of the Archipelago, and rivaled 
the bandits of Macedonia, Servia and Sicily. Others turning 
to commerce, sought to get the better of their Moslem rulers 
by shrewdness of intellect. They profited by the struggle in 
the Mediterranean between France and England, and under 
cover of the Turkish flag acquired great commercial strength, 
owning, in 1 8 1 5, 600 vessels. They sent their children abroad, 
and established schools everywhere on the Islands of the 
Archipelago, in Asia Minor and even in Constantinople. A 
few of these men joined in a company called the hetceria, or 
association, founded for the purpose of propagating religious 
instruction and the publication of religious books. They 
claimed to have the support of the Prime Minister of Russia, 
and secured the alliance of the chief brigands of the Pindus, 
the head men of the interior Greek communities, the merchants 
of the Archipelago and the heads of the Mainotes of the 
Morea who had proved impervious to Russian advances. 
Their one object was the independence of Greece, and they 



THE LION OF JANINA. 215 

seized the opportunity offered by the revolt of the famous 
Ali Pasha of Janina to make a strike for that independence. 

AH Pasha, who had long had more or less intimate relations 
with these Greeks, summoned them to his aid and proclaimed 
himself their protector. They hesitated, but influenced by 
the report that the Turkish Government had decided upon 
the extermination of the Christians, joined hands with the 
Albanians, and Marco Bozzaris became the ally of the " Lion 
of Janina." In 1826 came the outrages at Patras and Seres, 
and soon there was insurrection from the Danube to the 
Gulf of Corinth. Russia again failed the very people who 
relied upon her, the Sultan's Government decreed the dis- 
armament and massacre of the Greeks, hung the Patriarch at 
the door of his palace in Constantinople, and on Easter Day 
three archbishops, and eighty bishops, exarchs and archiman- 
drites shared his fate. Through Thrace, Macedonia and Thes- 
saly the massacre spread, peaceable and defenseless Greeks 
were pillaged or slain, churches were destroyed, and women and 
children were dragged into slavery. In Greece, however, and 
in Albania, Ali Pasha and Ypsilanti held the Turks in check, 
captured several places, and retorted upon the Moslems the 
terrors of massacre. Then came treason, and Ali Pasha fell, 
but Greece refused to yield. The Turks in fury avenged 
themselves on Scio, which had taken no part in the insurrec- 
tion, and out of 100,000 inhabitants scarcely 900 were left. 
It was scarcely surprising that reprisals followed such a mas- 
sacre, but the utmost done by them was little in comparison 
with the atrocities which the Christians of the whole empire 
had endured. 

The insurrection went on. Appeals were made to the 

Christian nations of Europe, and delegates sent to a Congress 

13 



2 1 6 PHIL-HELLENISM. 

which met at Verona. The great purpose of that Congress 
being, however, to stifle the insurrections of Italy and Spain, 
it could hardly be expected to help Greece. They even 
invited the Sultan to membership in the Congress. Every- 
where, however, there was popular enthusiasm. In France, 
England, and Germany, societies of Phil-hellenes were formed, 
and America lifted her voice in support of this effort for free- 
dom. Many arms and munitions were sent to the aid of the 
Greeks, and many men came to share their fortunes, Lord 
Byron, Colonel Fabvier, Count Rosa and others. The Greeks, 
however, could not agree among themselves, and internal 
dissensions, including even war, prevented their securing the 
results of their victories. The Turks profited by their mis- 
fortunes, and weakened the power of the Greeks till Misso- 
longhi fell and Athens and Nauplia alone remained. The 
Greeks were almost disheartened, and turned to England for 
help. What Sir Stratford Canning felt is evident from the 
following- extract from his Memoirs. 

"Jn the port of Ipsera we gathered cruel evidence of what 
war is when kindled by the antipathies of race and creed. It 
was little more than dawn when we anchored before the 
town. The houses had every appearance of undisturbed 
repose, and the early hour sufficed to account for the want of 
movement in the streets. The admiral's steward went ashore 
with the full expectation of finding a market well stocked 
with all the objects he required. Imagine his surprise when 
the truth broke upon him. A death-silence indoors as well 
as without, not a voice, not a footstep, not an inhabitant ; the 
town was a mere shell, plausible to the eye, but utterly void 
of life. Later in the day a party of us landed with our guns 
and strayed among the vineyards in search of game. At 



SUFFERINGS OF THE GREEKS. 217 

one spot near the coast we came upon a piteous sight, the 
bones of many who had preferred a voluntary death to 
captivity, when their homes became the prey of a Turkish 
squadron. Mothers in horror and despair had slaughtered 
their children on the cliff, and thrown themselves over on 
their bodies which had already found a resting-place below. 
Scarcely less horrible than this scene of death was the appari- 
tion of two survivors from the interior of the island. Worn 
nearly to skeletons by fear and anguish and famine, the very 
types of hopeless misery, with haggard eyes and loathsome 
beards, and tattered rags by way of clothing, they told with- 
out language the history of their sufferings. Heavens ! how 
I longed to be the instrument of repairing such calamities by 
carrying my mission of peace and deliverance to a successful 
issue ! 

He, however, could not do much, as Russia refused to join 
heartily. Mahmud persisted in forcing subjugation. Athens 
fell and at last a sort of agreement was reached by which the 
Greeks gained somewhat. Then came the battle of Navarino, 
when the Allied fleets under the lead of the British Admiral re- 
pelled an attack by the Turks which resulted in the destruction 
of the Turkish fleet. The responsibility perhaps rested with 
the turbulent Ibrahim Pasha, but the inevitable result was 
war with Russia which ended in the Treaty of Adrianople, by 
which the independence of Greece was assured, although the 
completely organized kingdom was not established for a few 
years. During the negotiations between the five powers, 
which resulted in the coronation of King Otho, Russian 
influence was predominant, but had to submit to much of 
hostility from the people, who could not forget the way in 
which they had been now encouraged, then left in the lurch 



2l8 DESTRUCTION OF THE JANISSARIES. 

by the Monarch of the North. In the meantime the Sultan 
was training under European drill-masters a body of 14,000 
artillery for the destruction of the Janissaries. When his 
arrangements were complete and he felt he could trust 
the commander of the artillery, " Black Hell," he obtained 
from the Grand Council of State an order sanctioned 
by a fetva of the Sheik-ul-Islam, requiring each company of 
the Janissaries to furnish so many of their number to the 
artillery. It was rejected with scorn. They turned their 
soup kettles upside down and beat upon them in sign of 
rebellion. The palace gates were shut and they could not 
get at the Sultan. The batteries were ready in barges on 
the Asiatic side and soon to the consternation of the Janis- 
saries every street leading from the barracks was swept by 
shot and shell as soon as they appeared. They made des- 
perate rallies, but grape cut them down. The remnant 
retired to their barracks to defend themselves to the last. 
" Black Hell " had no intention to give them any chance to 
fight. He shelled the barracks till he set them on fire and 
not a man escaped. The joy of the people was unbounded. 
The Janissaries had become a terror to Moslems as well as 
Christians. Their robberies and murders knew no law. 
The smaller bodies scattered through the cities were hunted 
down like wild beasts, the corps abolished and all its 
standards and emblems destroyed. 

Mahmud was now, 1826, free to institute reforms. He 
resolved' to have a cabinet of prominent ministers, each of 
whom should be responsible for his department, and to 
model his government after that of England. He felt keenly 
the loss of Greece and the destruction of his fleet, but did 
not abate one jot of his eagerness for reform. He had 



WAR WITH RUSSIA. 219 

40,000 soldiers under the discipline of the young Moltke, 
afterwards so distinguished in German history. Russia car- 
ing little for Greece, but never losing sight of Constantinople, 
saw her opportunity, came down upon him with demands that 
stirred his wrath, but he was powerless and she forced upon 
him the treaty of Akkerman with many stipulations injurious 
to Turkey, such as increased privileges for the Danubian 
Principalities and free passage of the straits. 

After the destruction of the Janissaries and of the Turk- 
ish fleet and the loss of Greece, Russia regarded Turkey as 
an easy prey, and the next step by the Czar was to send into 
Bulgaria in 1828 an army which he believed would march 
triumphantly across the Balkans, through Eastern Rumelia 
to Constantinople. But the Turks fought with such enthusi- 
asm that the campaign of 1828 was a failure. 

In 1829 Diebitsch crossed the Balkan with some hard 
fighting and came down upon Adrianople, which he took 
with ease. A most destructive cholera or plague was deci- 
mating his army, and if the Turks had only maintained their 
positions two weeks longer Diebitsch would have had no 
force left. He played a high game of bluff, declared he had 
50,000 men and that he would march immediately upon the 
city. The ambassadors all joined in beseeching the Sultan 
to save his capital, which he did by an indemnity of ,£5,000,- 
000. When he found out the deception, and that the Rus- 
sian army was chiefly beneath the soil, his chagrin was so 
bitter that he shut himself up, and for a whole week his of- 
ficers could not see him. The result was the Treaty of 
Adrianople, which added to the previous agreements the 
demand for a heavy war indemnity to Russia. 

The indemnity, which was manfully paid, swept off the 



220 REFORMS. 

gold and silver of the empire, and Mahmud substituted a 
base coin of the same numerical value, a kind of " fiat 
money " which was thought at first to be a grand inven- 
tion, but which played the mischief with commerce and with 
the finances generally. 

Undaunted by all these reverses he rebuilt his navy, em- 
ploying one American, Mr. Eckford, and his foreman, Mr. 
Rhodes, who produced some of the most noble vessels of 
war then afloat. 

He introduced reforms in the civil administration which 
were welcomed by the people ; the rajahs were treated with 
a justice and consideration that was new to them. Many Ar- 
menians were introduced into offices never before given to 
rajahs. One Armenian was at the head of the mint, an- 
other was the Sultan's architect and another chief of his 
powder works and most of the construction of arms, and 
another was collector of the port. The latter was a man of 
remarkable capacity, a friend of learning and a good friend 
of the first American missionaries. Could Mahmud have had 
a decade of peace after the destruction of the Janissaries and 
the peace with Greece, with his iron will and wonderful 
energy he might have brought up the old empire into some 
degree of health and vigor. England had begun to favor his 
reforms ; France was friendly; but Russia and Austria were 
bent upon his ruin. 

Another danger threatened the Sultan. Among the men 
sent to join the Turkish contingent in Egypt in their contest 
with the French in 1801 was a young Albanian named Me- 
hemet Ali. During the two years that followed he gained in- 
creasing influence among the Albanians and when soon there 
came a conflict between them and the Turks he took the 



RUSSIA IN THE BOSPORUS. 221 

position of leader, and at last succeeded in securing a firman 
of investiture as Pasha of Egypt. He was ambitious and suc- 
cessful, advancing his arms until he secured the west coast of 
Arabia, and although acknowledging the Sultan as Suzerain 
became, with his son Ibrahim, a cause of much anxiety. It 
was Ibrahim who brought on the battle of Navarino, and once 
feeling his power he did not hesitate to use it, and the next 
step was to claim independence. The Egyptian forces con- 
quered Syria, Mahmud's forces were defeated at Konieh and 
there seemed nothing to prevent his march to Constanti- 
nople. Mahmud sought in vain the intervention of England. 
He had next to turn to his great enemy, Russia, who imme- 
diately landed an army on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus. 
England bit her lips too late. Russia had eagerly seized the 
opportunity which England had slighted. 

Thus Ibrahim's course was stopped and he had to turn 
back. The treaty of Hunkiar Iskelessi, July 8, 1833, was an 
offensive and defensive alliance between Turkey and Russia, 
which closed the Dardanelles to other powers and gave the 
right of intervening- against the interior and exterior enemies 
of the Porte. Some places of importance were yielded to Me- 
hemet Ali, who became an increasingly important factor even 
in European politics. He had his eye on Bagdad and an ar- 
rangement by which he should at least be Grand Vizier, per- 
haps Sultan. 

With all these difficulties, Mahmud, unsubdued, continued 
his reforms, and began to lean more upon England as op- 
posed to Russia. He had again a fleet and a disciplined army 
when again the great Viceroy of Egypt rebelled. Mahmud 
was dying of consumption. One who saw him two weeks 
before his death said that he had the looks of a caged eagle, 



222 ABD-UL-MEDJID. 

his spirit unsubdued. He sent his fleet against Alexandria, 
and his army against Ibrahim. The fleet was basely be- 
trayed into the hands of Mehemet Ali, and the army was badly 
beaten at Nezib, near the Euphrates. Mahmud died before 
the terrible news reached the capital. 

Abd-ul-Medjid was girded with the sword of Osman, July, 
1839. A convention between Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, 
Russia and Turkey settled the affairs of Egypt and the Porte; 
in 1840 Mehemet Ali became the hereditary viceroy, and was 
compelled to give up all the places he had won. Indeed, the 
English navy had driven him out of all the ports on the Syrian 
coast. He was to pay one-fourth of his revenue to the 
Porte and acknowledge the suzerainty of the Sultan. 

The young Sultan was inducted into his high office with un- 
exampled splendor. He had fully imbibed from his father the 
spirit of reform, and a set of young men of marked ability had 
been educated in England and France to co-operate with him. 
He had nothing of the lion-like character of his father, but he 
had what his father never had, able and faithful coadjutors. 
Fuad, Aali, Midhat, Ahmed Vefyk Pashas did honor to his 
reign, and in part to his successors. His commander-in-chief, 
Omar Pasha, was a man of great military skill and genius, and 
of sound judgment. He kept European Turkey quiet in 
spite of Russian revolutionists. But from 1842 to 1856 the 
controlling power was unquestionably the English Ambas- 
sador, Sir Stratford Canning, better known as Lord Stratford 
De Redcliffe. 

Russia was having her own way, and the English Ambas- 
sador, Ponsonby, was merely a nobleman of vast wealth. He 
could make a splendid show. He had the finest " turn out" 
of any ambassador ; beyond that he had nothing. Canning 



INFLUENCE OF LORD STRATFORD. 223 

had been three times at the Ottoman court, and he knew the 
ropes when he came in 1842. The Czar hated and feared 
him, and he feared if he did not hate the Czar. There were 
now to be fourteen years of the most indefatigable labor to 
regenerate the Turkish Empire, and equal effort on the Rus- 
sian side to prevent and upset all Canning's plans. But the 
Czar had no man of such mighty personality to match him. 
He recalled De Boutineff and sent Litoff. 

Lord Stratford interested himself in everything that per- 
tained to the general welfare of the empire, especially in the 
betterment of the situation of the Christians. He was greatly 
pleased with the promulgation of the Hatti Sherif of Gulhane 
(described in the chapter on the condition of the Christians), 
and was a cordial friend to the missionaries. He also was 
interested in archaeology. He obtained for young Layard 
(Sir Austen Henry Layard) a firman for those researches in 
Nineveh which gave him the name of Nineveh Layard. This 
was done at Canning's personal expense. He obtained from 
the Sultan the personal gift of the frieze of the Mausoleum of 
Artemisia, at Budrum, and presented the seventeen slabs, 
weighing twenty tons, to the British Museum. One of his 
great diplomatic triumphs was obtained against the united 
power of Austria and Russia, when the Hungarian Revolution 
failed, and Kossuth and his three hundred companions fled to 
Turkey. Every house, native and foreign, was opened to 
them. Russia and Austria demanded that they be surren- 
dered. It was an anxious time until the Sultan's reply came, 
that he would sooner surrender his throne than give up any 
one who had fled to him for shelter. Both embassies declared 
this equivalent to a declaration of war, pulled down their flags, 
covered with black the national signs and monograms on the 



224 



KOSSUTH. 



ambassadorial buildings, and departed in a rout of warlike 
pomp. England and France assured the Sultan of their sup- 
port, and the proud ambassadors had to come back and be 
laughed at. Russia and Austria would not meet England, 
France and Turkey in a new war for the pleasure and privilege 
of housing those few refugees. 

The returned ambassadors tried every means to persecute 
the brave men, but Canning met them at every point and 
baffled them. It is not strange that Russian newspapers 
lavished ink upon Sir Stratford Canning, or that they re- 
garded him as the Arch Fiend of diplomacy. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Reforms and Progress. 

Reign of Abd-ul-Medjid — Influence of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe — English Policy in 
Turkey — Hatti Sherif of Gulhane — A Remarkable Document — Equal Rights for all 
Subjects of the Sultan — Land Tax and Judicial Reform — General Situation of the 
Country — Application of the Reforms. 

ABD-UL-MEDJID was a man of entirely different type 
from his father. He had little of that clear foresight 
and determined will which made Mahmud throw aside 
turban and kaftan, and assume the European dress, retaining 
only the fez as the distinguishing mark of his Turkish race ; 
study a French book of tactics and learn to ride his horse 
like an English dragoon instead of a Tartar courier. He 
had, however, what Mahmud lacked, able assistants. Under 
the general instruction of Mahmud there had grown up some 
young men who realized as he did the absolute necessity of 
change in the conduct of the Turkish Government, if it was 
to hope for strength in comparison with the European forces, 
and Abd-ul-Medjid had the judgment and tact to call them 
into his councils. He was fortunate, too, in having through a 
considerable part of his reign, the presence and counsel of 
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and the famous Englishman threw 
himself heart and soul into the effort to establish the Turkish 

Empire upon such a basis of reform as should make it an 

(225) 



226 



THE TURKISH PROBLEM. 



efficient ally of Western Europe in its effort to resist the 
aggressions of the tremendous power of Russia, which was 
not only menacing more and more the peace of Europe, but 
threatening to spread over it the pall of its own barbarism. 
Lord Stratford recognized very clearly the nature of the 
men he had to deal with and the problem which faced him. 
In a private letter he wrote : " Very false notions are enter- 
tained in England of the Turkish nation. You know much 
better than I do the mighty resources and native wealth which 
this enormous empire possesses. I am myself a daily witness 
of the personal qualities of the inhabitants, qualities which if 
properly directed are capable of sustaining them against a 
world of enemies. But the government is radically bad, and 
its members, who are all alive to its defects, have neither the 
wisdom nor the courage to reform it. The few who have 
courage equal to the task know not how to reconcile reforma- 
tion with the prejudices of the people. And without this, 
nothing can be effected." Therefore he set himself, with all 
his skill and energy, to the work of reconciling the needed 
reformation with the prejudices of the people. The diplo- 
matic course of England has been singularly ill-advised, even 
though perfectly natural. Realizing the nature of the terrible 
oppression of the Turkish Government, especially as mani- 
fested in the condition of the Greeks, but blind to the scarcely, 
if any, less terrible oppression of the Russian Government, 
as manifested in those interior provinces, which were later to 
be photographed to the world by Eugene Schuyler, Macdon- 
ald and George Kennan, she and France joined hands with 
Russia in such a way as to give Russian influence an enor- 
mous prestige. The result was that the genuine enthusiasm 
for reform which filled Mahmud's mind was chilled, and more 



RUSSIAN OR TURKISH TYRANNY. 227 

than that, he was discredited among his own people. Another 
blunder was the yielding to French influence in permitting 
the power of Mehemet Ali to increase in Egypt, so that he 
could overrun Syria and Asia Minor. Against both of them 
Lord Stratford had protested ; not because he lacked sympa- 
thy for the Greeks, but because he saw more clearly than 
others that to weaken Mahmud was to weaken the only avail- 
able means of checking that Russian aggression and tyranny 
which threatened to crush out all idea of development. 
Turkish tyranny was bad, but Russian tyranny was worse in 
his eyes; because in the Sultan he saw indications of a real 
sympathy with the best life of the nation, while in the Czar 
he found nothing but a fierce, unalterable determination to 
secure personal aggrandizement at whatever cost to anybody 
else. In accordance with this he outlined the foundation of 
his policy as early as 1832, in a despatch to Lord Palmerston, 
as follows : 

"The great question to be resolved is this: How far is it 
possible to introduce into the present system of administra- 
tion those improvements without which the army and finances 
of the country must be equally inefficient ? * * * More 
than five years have elapsed since the Janissaries were 
destroyed, and, although some regulations of a better kind 
have been adopted, and the Sultan's policy is in general of a 
milder and more protecting character, no beneficial results, 
except that of a diminished animosity between Turks and 
Christians, are yet visible. The regular army is not more 
numerous now, and scarcely better disciplined, than it was 
before the war with Russia. The financial embarrassments 
increase, and commerce is still depressed by a pernicious sys- 
tem of monopoly. * * * I think the time is near at hand; 



228 HUNKIAR ISKELLESSI. 

or perhaps already come, when it is necessary that a decided 
line of policy should be adopted and steadily pursued with 
respect to this country. The Turkish Empire is evidently 
hastening to its dissolution, and an approach to the civiliza- 
tion of Christendom affords the only chance of keeping it 
together for any length of time. That chance is a very pre- 
carious one at best, and should it unfortunately not be realized, 
the dismemberment which would ensue could hardly fail of 
disturbing the peace of Europe through a long series of years." 

Here we have the germ of Lord Stratford's policy, and 
just in proportion as that policy was carried out by the 
Turkish Government was there peace in Europe and pros- 
perity in the Turkish Empire. It is to the neglect of that policy 
by Abd-ul-Aziz, and its reversal by Abd-ul-Hamid, combined 
with the inertness of Lord Stratford's successors in the English 
Embassy at Constantinople, and the determined hostility of 
Russia, that have been due the terrible events of the past two 
years. It was most unfortunate that for ten years, 1 832-1 841, 
Lord Stratford had no voice in Turkish matters. During that 
period came the treaty of Hunkiar Iskellessi, when the Rus- 
sian fleet, anchored in the Bosporus, made the Sultan a vassal 
of the Czar, and the great advance of Mehemet Ali, all result- 
ing in the discouragement of the most courageous and pro- 
gressive Sultan Turkey has ever had, and a situation at his 
death which would have appalled an ordinary man. 

Abd-ul-Medjid's first step was one which presaged good. 
Scarcely had he ascended his throne when he promulgated 
the Hatti Sherif of Gulhane. In some respects this is one of 
the most remarkable documents in history. In a sense it is 
surpassed by the more famous Hatti Humayoun issued 
by the same Sultan some years later, but that was after he 



HATTI SHERIF. 



229 



had been under Lord Stratford's influence, and was in the 
flush of victory in the Crimean War. This was at a time 
when discouragement was on every side, and all European 
ideas were looked upon as thoroughly anti-Islam. In view 
of its historical value, we give the text in full. 

Haiti Sherif of Gulhane. 

" All the world knows that, in the first days of the Ottoman monarchy, the 
glorious precepts of the Koran and the laws of the empire were always 
honored. 

" The empire in consequence increased in strength and greatness, and all 
its subjects, without exception, had risen in the highest degree to ease and 
prosperity. In the last one hundred and fifty years a succession of accidents 
and divers causes have arisen which have brought about a disregard for the 
sacred code of laws and the regulations flowing therefrom, and the former 
strength and prosperity have changed into weakness and poverty; an empire 
in fact loses all its stability so soon as it ceases to observe its laws. 

" These considerations are ever present to our mind, and ever since the 
day of our advent to the throne the thought of the public weal, of the 
improvement of the state of the provinces, and of relief to the (subject) 
peoples, has not ceased to engage it. If, therefore, the geographical position 
of the Ottoman provinces, the fertility of the soil, the aptitude and intelli- 
gence of the inhabitants, are considered, the conviction will remain that by 
striving to find efficacious means, the result, which by the help of God we 
hope to attain, can be obtained within a few years. Full of confidence, 
therefore, in the help of the Most High, and certain of the support of our 
Prophet, we deem it right to try by new institutions to give to the provinces 
composing the Ottoman Empire the benefit of a good administration. 

" These institutions must be principally carried out under three heads, 
which are : 

" 1. The guaranteeing and insuring to our subjects perfect security for life, 
honor, and fortune. 

" 2. A regular system of assessing and levying taxes. 

"3. An equally regular system for the levying of troops and the duration 
of their service. 

"And, in fact, are not life and honor the most precious gifts to mankind? 



230 



VENALITY. 



What man, however much his character may be against violence, can pre- 
vent himself from having recourse to it, and thereby injure the government 
and the country, if his life and honor are endangered? If, on the contrary, 
he enjoys in that respect perfect security, he will not depart from the ways 
of loyalty, and all his actions will contribute to the good of the government 
and of his brothers. 

" If there is an absence of security as to one's fortune, everyone remains 
insensible to the voice of the Prince and the country; no one interests him- 
self in the progress of public good, absorbed as he is in his own troubles. 
If, on the contrary, the citizen keeps possession in all confidence of all his 
goods, then, full of ardor in his affairs, which he seeks to enlarge in order to_ 
increase his comforts, he feels daily growing and doubling in his heart not 
only his love for the Prince and country, but also his devotion to his native 
land. 

"These feelings become in him the source of the most praiseworthy 
actions. 

"As to the regular and fixed assessment of the taxes, it is very important 
that it be regulated ; for the state which is forced to incur many expenses for 
the defense of its territory cannot obtain the money necessary for its armies 
and other services except by means of contributions levied on its subjects. 
Although, thanks be to God, our empire has for some time past been delivered 
from the scourge of monopolies, falsely considered in times of war as a source 
of revenue, a fatal custom still exists, although it can only have disastrous 
consequences; it is that of venal cessions, known under the name of 
'Iltizam.' 

" Under that name the civil and financial administration of a locality is 
delivered over to the passions of a single man; that is to say, sometimes to 
the iron grasp of the most violent and avaricious passions ; for if that con- 
tractor is not a good man, he will only look to his own advantage. 

"It is therefore necessary that henceforth each member of Ottoman 
society should be taxed for a quota of a fixed tax according to his fortune 
and means, and that it should be impossible that anything more could be 
exacted from him. It is also necessary that special laws should fix and limit 
the expenses of our land and sea forces. 

"Although, as we have said, the defense of the country is an important 
matter, and it is the duty of all the inhabitants to furnish soldiers for 
that object, it has become necessary to establish laws to regulate the con- 



RIGHTS OF PROPERTY. 23 1 

tingent to be furnished by each locality according to the necessity of the 
time, and to reduce the term of military service to four or five years. 
For it is at the same time doing an injustice and giving a mortal blow to 
agriculture and to industry to take, without consideration to the respective 
population of the localities, in the one more, in the other less, men than 
they can furnish ; it is also reducing the soldiers to despair and contributing 
to the depopulation of the country by keeping them all their lives in the 
service. 

"In short, without the several laws, the necessity for which has just been 
described, there can be neither strength, nor riches, nor happiness, nor 
tranquillity for the empire ; it must, on the contrary, look for them in the 
existence of these new laws. 

" From henceforth, therefore, the cause of every accused person shall be 
publicly judged, as the divine law requires, after inquiry and examination, 
and so long as a regular judgment shall not have been pronounced, no one 
can secretly or publicly put another to death by poison or in any other 
manner. 

"No one shall be allowed to attach the honor of any other person 
whatever. 

" Each one shall possess his property of every kind, and shall dispose of 
it in all freedom, without let or hindrance from any person whatever; thus, 
for example, the innocent heirs of a criminal shall not be deprived of their 
legal rights, and the property of the criminal shall not be confiscated. 
These imperial concessions shall extend to all our subjects, of whatever 
religion or sect they may be ; they shall enjoy them without exception. We 
therefore grant perfect security to the inhabitants of our empire in their 
lives, their honor, and their fortunes, as they are secured to them by the 
sacred text of the law. 

"As for the other points, as they must be settled with the assistance 
of enlightened opinions, our council of justice (increased by new members 
as shall be found necessary), to whom shall be joined, on certain days 
which we shall determine, our ministers and the notabilities of the empire, 
shall assemble in order to frame laws regulating the security of life and 
fortune and the assessment of the taxes. Each one in those assemblies 
shall freely express his ideas and give his advice. 

" The laws regulating the military service shall be discussed by a mili- 
tary council holding its sittings at the palace of Seraskier. As soon as a 
14 



232 



REGULAR SALARIES. 



law shall be passed, in order to be forever valid, it shall be presented to 
us; we shall give it our approval, which we will write with our imperial 
sign -manual. 

" As the object of these institutions is solely to revivify religion, govern- 
ment, the nation, and the empire, we engage not to do anything which is 
contrary thereto. 

" In testimony of our promise we will, after having deposited these pres- 
ents in the hall containing the glorious mantle of the prophet, in the pres- 
ence of all the ulemas and the grandees of the empire, make oath thereto in 
the name of God, and shall afterwards cause the oath to be taken by the 
ulemas and the grandees of the empire. 

"After that, those from among the ulemas and the grandees of the 
empire, or any other persons whatsoever, who shall infringe these institutions, 
shall undergo, without respect of rank, position, and influence, the punish- 
ment corresponding to his crime, after having been well authenticated. 

" A penal code shall be compiled to that effect. As all the public ser- 
vants of the empire receive a suitable salary, and as the salaries of those 
whose duties have not up to the present time been sufficiently remunerated 
are to be fixed, a rigorous law shall be passed against the traffic of favoritism 
and bribery, which the Divine law reprobates, and which is one of the prin- 
cipal causes of the decay of the empire. 

"The above dispositions being a thorough alliteration and renewal of 
ancient customs, this imperial rescript shall be published at Constantinople 
and in all places of our empire, and shall be officially communicated to all 
the ambassadors of the friendly powers resident at Constantinople, that they 
may be witnesses to the granting of these institutions, which, should it 
please God, shall last forever. Wherein may the Most High have us in His 
holy keeping. May those who shall commit an act contrary to the present 
regulations be the object of Divine malediction, and be deprived forever of 
every kind of (protection) happiness. 

"Read at Gulhane, November 3, 1839." 

Through the peculiar Oriental verbiage it will be seen that 
this famous charter (1) Guaranteed to all subjects of the 
empire, without distinction, their life, their honor and their 
fortune ; (2) Re-established a uniform and regular mode of 
assessing and subsequently levying the taxes; (3) Regulated, 



REFORM AND REACTION. - 233 

by legal powers, the levy of soldiers and the duration of 
military service ; (4) Suppressed monopolies ; (5) Ordered 
that the taxes should be levied in proportion to the fortune 
of each ; (6) Promised laws that should fix the expenses of 
the land and sea forces with the contingent of each locality ; 
(7) Ordered that every cause should be tried publicly accord- 
ing to the civil and religious laws ; (8) that every subject 
should possess his property with all the rights of ownership, 
and might sell it ; and finally, (9) that the heirs of a criminal 
should not be deprived of their claims to his estate. 

Such reforms were far-reaching and it is scarcely surpris- 
ing that their promulgation stirred a dangerous reaction, or 
that for a time the government was practically in the hands 
of the reactionary party, which aimed at a return to the 
system overturned by Mahmud, or at least to weaken the 
force of the privileges granted to the Christians as much as 
possible. In this they were assisted by the general conditions 
of the country, already referred to as disorganized, but more 
completely described by Lord Stratford's biographer as fol- 
lows : 

" The general state of the empire was such as might be 
expected after the late troubles and under the existing rulers. 
Disorder reigned in the provinces. The misgovernment of 
Wallachia offered an opportunity for Russian intrigues ; Bul- 
garia had caught the fever of disquiet, Albania soon broke 
into revolt, and in 1843 Servia rose against her prince. The 
local pashas did as they pleased. At Scutari, three Christian 
peasants were executed without trial ; at Trebizond, the pasha 
cut the throats of two criminals in the public street ; the 
governor of Mosul rushed out one night, mad with drink, to 
murder at pleasure ; two towns were razed to the ground by 



234 GENERAL DEMORALIZATION. 

the troops in Albania ; the soldiers mutinied for their pay at 
Salonica, tried to kill their colonel, and then burnt the stores 
in a caravanserai, while the pasha looked on ; unequal and 
cruel taxation was driving the people to despair ; the minis- 
ters of the Porte used their official authority in favor of their 
private trading, and invited presents of hush-money from 
offending pashas. Fanaticism against Christians was increas- 
ing, and Pera was placarded with threats of burning the 
Frank quarter. 'There is no such thing as system in 
Turkey,' wrote the ambassador. ' Every man according to 
his means and opportunities gets what he can, commands 
what he dares, and submits when he must.' Financial 
embarrassment, public and individual, prevailed to an alarm- 
ing extent. The only active trade was the traffic in lucrative 
posts in the public service; but salaries were in arrears; 
commerce languished; the currency was ruinously debased ; 
forests and mines and other resources were neglected ; com- 
munications were bad — no roads or mere tracks ; good land 
on the coast within 50 miles of Constantinople was to be 
bought for two shillings an acre, while Russian grain was 
sold at a comfortable profit hard by. Ignorance and corrup- 
tion prevailed in every department of the state ; brutal 
violence and torture were employed in the law courts; Chris- 
tian evidence was not accepted against Moslems ; Christians 
were annoyed if they entered the Turkish quarters of the 
capital ; constant cases occurred of fraud and outrage against 
them ; yet in spite of these disabilities the rayahs were slowly 
advancing in wealth, education and independence, whilst the 
Turks were losing ground." 

Into this condition of things Lord Stratford injected his own 
fierce zeal, determined to carry through his point if possible, 



EFFORTS AT REFORM. 2 35 

~ft»n the case his very indomitableness was the 
and, as - so often the case h, y ^ of his chief 

occasion for a large degr ^ ^^ ^ ^ 

points was the carrying uui r . r - t ; an - at 

Christians, not becanse he wanted to help the Chn uan at 
the expense of the Moslems, for he appreciated the s uat on 
of the latter thoroughly, but because he -cogmzed that the 
development of the empire rested more with the Christians 
hanTh the Turks, and also that that development con, 
not be hoped for until there was political equality. Hence 
IL ful y as much with a desire to help the Turks themselves 
Is the Christians that he set himself to oppose the reign of 
fanaticism which threatened to swamp the best efforts of the 
Sultan Among the various points which hexarned ; . 
the abolition of religious executions and of the use ol tor 
ure n t Is. Several instances occurred of the former, one 
of an Armenian and another of a Greek, both of whom had 
a cepted Mohammedanism and then sought to return to their 
San faith, which second apostasy the Moslem ferocity 
had visited with death. This he earned by his owr .per- 
sonal influence with the Sultan. In other reforms he had he 
cordial support of the famous Reshid Pasha, or i of ti e 
noblest men that Turkey had ever produced Lord Strat 
ford also carried in .3 4 5 a long-contested point the right to 
establish a Protestant Church at Jerusalem for the Br, t.sh and 
Prussian subjects, and in ,846 med.ated in behalf of the 
Protestant Armenians, exposed both to the persecu or of the 
Porte and the hostility of their former ecclesiastical leaders. 
A few years later came the imperial firman recognizing 
Protestants as a distinct civil community. 

Aside from these the Sultan pressed forward m the gene 
al elevation of his empire. He sought to or S amze public 



236 REFORMS URGED FORWARD. 

instruction, declared the Ottoman University an institution of 
the state and inaugurated the division of the general educa- 
tion into the primary, secondary and superior grades. The 
first of these had already existed in a measure, but in the 
most primitive form, being scarcely more than instruction in 
the reading of the Koran ; the secondary and superior grades 
had to be created entirely. Then came the publication of an 
administrative code regulating the duties and obligations of 
officers of the government and the institution of mixed tribu- 
nals of commerce. The first trial was held at Constantinople, 
in 1846, the different legations nominating ten prominent 
merchants to fill in turn the office of judge, while the Porte in 
turn nominated ten noted Mussulmans. There was an 
earnest effort to reform the system of taxation, and a decree 
in 1850 ordered that the personal tax should be collected in 
each province by the recognized head men of the communi- 
ties, and they were to forward the money thus received to 
their patriarchate, from which it was to be passed over into 
the imperial treasury. Thus the whole system of these laws 
was applied little by little to every province of the empire in 
succession. In some it met with reasonable success; in others 
it called out the bitterest opposition. Mehemet Ali, of Egypt, 
died in 1849, an d was succeeded by Abbas Pasha, one of the 
worst princes that Egypt ever knew. Order came to him to 
apply the same system of reforms in Egypt. He was shrewd 
enough not to make positive refusal, but disputed over its 
details, and especially over the clause which took from him 
the right to pronounce sentence of death. At last, however, 
he yielded and the reforms were enforced. In 185 1 another 
innovation was made. Commissioners were appointed to 
visit different provinces of the empire, examine carefully into 



GRADUAL IMPROVEMENT. 237 

the condition of each, collect any complaints of the authori- 
ties or of the inhabitants and transmit them to the Sultan. 
Hitherto the government had scarcely allowed the right even 
of petition, and while this was carried out in no very effective 
way, and in not a few respects it seemed very weak, still the 
fact that commissions were sent at all marked a great advance 
in the conduct of the empire for the comfort and interest of 
the people. In the same year there was another step forward 
taken in education, and an academy of sciences and letters 
was established at Constantinople. In all this the moving 
spirit was Reshid Pasha. He made no attempt to secure 
absolute success at first, but steadily persevered in the course 
of reform wherever an opportunity offered. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Treaties of Paris and Berlin. 

Influence of Lord Stratford — The Holy Places — Crimean War — Treaty of Paris — Abd-ul- 
Aziz — Extravagance — Influx of Europeans — Provincial Government — Accession of Abd- 
ul-Hamid II — Russo-Turkish War — Treaty of San Stephano — Treaty of Berlin — 
Cyprus Convention. 

THE success of Lord Stratford in establishing reforms in 
Turkey, and more than that in securing the cordial en- 
dorsement of the Sultan and of Reshid Pasha, occasioned great 
uneasiness in Russia. During the whole of Abd-ul-Medjid's 
reign there had been continuous intrigue, especially in the 
Danubian Provinces and in Servia. This latter had been 
practically independent since 1830, but its independence was 
by no means a peaceable one. Its prince, the founder of the 
Obrenowitch line, was a tyrant who took advantage of every 
opportunity to fill his own private purse. There were risings 
of the people followed by firmans from Constantinople, 
which limited his rights, but still the general suzerainty of the 
Porte was acknowledged, and Servia was recognized as a 
Moslem State. Along the Danube there were similar occur- 
rences following on the revolutions of 1848. The prince of 
Wallachia accepted a constitution and then fled, a provisional 
government being established. The movement spread to 
Moldavia and Russian troops occupied the provinces, resulting 
(238) 



CLAIMS FOR THE HOLY PLACES. 239 

in an agreement between the Porte and Russia for a sort of 
mutual supervision. Similarly in Syria there had been 
trouble which called for the intervention of Europe for the 
protection of the Maronites against the Druzes. It was 
again, however, about the Holy Places in Jerusalem that the 
disturbance centered. During the reign of Mahmud II the 
Church of the Holy Sepulchre had been devasted by fire and 
the Greeks made the repairs, taking advantage of that to lay 
claim to the church, and consequently to all the Holy Places, 
thus superseding the French, who had the general primacy 
since the time of the Crusades. In 1851, the government of 
Louis Napoleon demanded and obtained from the Porte, on 
the basis of the capitulations of 1 740, the formation of a 
mixed commission to look into the question of the possession 
of the Holy Places. France claimed (1) the monument of 
the Holy Sepulchre in the church of that name at Jerusalem ; 
(2) the great cupola built above the Holy Sepulchre ; (3) the 
stone of unction (this was not an exclusive claim); (4) the 
site of the tombs of the French kings in Adam's Chapel 
under Calvary ; (5) the seven arched vaults of the Virgin ; 

(6) the Church of Gethsemane and the tomb of the Virgin ; 

(7) the upper Church of Bethlehem with the gardens and 
sanctuaries dependent upon it ; (8) the mixed possession of 
the altar of Calvary. While making these general claims for 
the Latins, she declared that particular concessions would be 
made to the other communions, but they must be renewed 
annually. To these claims Russia objected very strenuously. 
After considerable discussion the commission recognized the 
rights of France, but proposed that the situation remain as it 
was, except the admission of the Latins into the Sanctuary 
of the Virgin and the right of Greeks to enter that of the 



240 



THE PORTE S REPLY. 



Ascension. France accepted this, but Russia objected, and 
this was followed by a special embassy to Constantinople to 
demand by virtue of the treaty of Kainardji the exclusive 
protection of all members of the Greek Church in Turkey, 
and the settlement of the question as to the Holy Places on 
terms granting the supremacy to the Greeks. This was in 
1853. The Porte replied with moderation, stating its desire 
not to injure in any way the privileges of the various Chris- 
tian subjects, and its wish to satisfy the demands of the Greek 
pilgrims and the Russian churches, but affirming that to 
accept the demands of Russia would be practically to destroy 
its own independence. The Russian ambassador, Menshikoff, 
renewed his demands, and said that further refusal would 
impose on his government the necessity of seeking it in its 
own power. 

At this time Lord Stratford was absent. Ten years be- 
fore he had met a somewhat similar difficulty by suggesting 
to the Porte that they make the repairs themselves, but 
now such a solution was no longer possible. It became evi- 
dent that a crisis was at hand, and he was immediately or- 
dered back from England. This was Lord Stratford's fifth 
embassy to Constantinople, and marked a new phase in his 
policy. When first there, he had had a long struggle with 
France, in which at the close he found himself in alliance with 
Russia ; in the second and third he had united with France 
and Russia in seeking the pacification of Greece ; in the 
fourth, which covered the early part of Abd-ul-Medjid's 
reien, there was no great difference between the Powers, 
and although his actions were looked upon with suspicion 
by Russia, he met with practically no interference in pressing 
for reform. Now, however, he found that the aggression of 



PROPOSALS OF PARTITION. 



241 



Russia was becoming threatening. In private interviews be- 
tween the Czar and the British ambassador at St. Peters- 
burg in the early part of 1853, t ^ ie Russians had made 
known a definite proposal to England to join in winding up 
the bankrupt estate of the " sick man." Servia, the Danubian 
Principalities and Bulgaria were to be independent under 
Russian protection ; if circumstances obliged the Czar to 
occupy Constantinople, it would be as trustee and not as 
proprietor, and England might be free to appropriate terri- 
tories as she chose, provided she did not undertake to hold 
the capital. All this he thought might be accomplished by 
the two Powers, and if they agreed, it made very little differ- 
ence what France and Austria thought. This, however, was 
strongly opposed to the whole British policy, and Lord 
Stratford, immediately upon the decisive action of Prince 
Menshikoff, called the other representatives of the great 
Powers and laid the foundation for the European alliance, 
which was from that time steadily opposed to Russian ag- 
gression. 

Russia announced in May her proposal to enter the Danu- 
bian Provinces, and France and England answered by des- 
patching their fleets to the Island of Tenedos at the mouth 
of the Dardanelles. A conference was proposed at Vienna, 
but Turkey took the initiative by attacking the Russians in 
the principalities. Russia retorted by the destruction of a 
Turkish fleet at Sinop. The English and French fleets en- 
tered the Black Sea and obliged the Russians to withdraw to 
their own ports. A last attempt at peace was made by 
France, but the publication of the English ambassador's de- 
spatches at St. Petersburg stirred the indignation of France, 
Austria and Prussia, and the result was a general alliance of 



24-2 



CONGRESS AT PARIS. 



the four kingdoms with Turkey. To this afterwards Sar- 
dinia was admitted, and Italy first appeared in the general 
European concert. 

The story of the Crimean War it is not necessary to re- 
peat here. The mismanagement of the British army at its 
commencement and that of the French at its close amazed 
the world. At last England's forces were well in hand and 
the possession of the Crimea was practically secured. Then 
France grew again suspicious of England's power and 
sought to hold a balance between her and Russia. Sevas- 
topol fell in September of 1855, but the Czar had just died 
in chagrin at the complete failure of his plans and the ter- 
rible injuries and sufferings inflicted upon his people. His 
army had failed to take Silistria, and although Kars had fallen, 
the general rout of the Russian arms was so complete as to 
have made it possible to have carried the day completely. 
Alexander II was willing to treat, and a Congress met at Paris 
on the 25th of February, 1 856. In this, France, England, Aus- 
tria, Prussia, Sardinia, Turkey and Russia appeared. Peace 
was signed on the 30th of March on the following basis : 

1. Russia renounced her exclusive right of protection over 
the Danubian Principalities, and all interference with their 
internal affairs. 2. The free navigation of the Danube was to 
be effectually secured by the establishment of a commission, 
in which all the contracting parties should be represented. 
Each of them should have the right to station two sloops-of- 
war at the mouth of the river. Russia consented to a recti- 
fication of frontiers which should leave to Turkey and the 
Rumanian Principalities all the Danubian delta. 3. The 
Black Sea was made neutral ; its waters, open to merchant 
ships of all nations, were forbidden to men-of-war, whether of 



RUSSIA S LOSSES. 243 

the Powers on tne coasts or any others. No military or mari- 
time arsenals were to be created there. Turkey and Russia 
could only maintain ten lightships to watch the coasts. 4. The 
Haiti Sherif by which Sultan Abd-ul-Medjid renewed the 
privileges of his non-Mussulman subjects was inserted in the 
treaty, but with the clause that the Powers could not quote 
this insertion as authorizing- them to interfere between the 
Sultan and his subjects. 

Russia thus lost both the domination of the Black Sea and 
the protectorate of the Eastern Christians ; lost her fleets and 
naval arsenals on the Black Sea and the fortresses of the 
Crimea. The imprudent policy of Nicholas had destroyed 
the advantages gained by all the previous treaties. One 
clause, however, in the treaty was worth to her almost as 
much as these, and that was the one which prohibited the 
Powers from interfering between the Sultan and his subjects. 
Count Orloff with the aid of France proved more than a 
match for the rest. Something, however, was gained, and 
the treaty was scarcely signed when preparations were made, 
and soon after came the publication of the Hatti Humayoun, 
described in another chapter. Lord Stratford, when he heard 
of the treaty of Paris, said, " I would rather have cut off my 
right hand than have signed that treaty." In a letter written 
about that time he said: 

" How are the Sultan's reforms to be carried through ; the 
allied troops all gone and no power of foreign interference 
reserved? How is the country to be kept quiet if hopes and 
fears, equally excited in adverse quarters, have to find their 
own level ? What means shall we possess of allaying the 
discordant elements if our credit is to decline and our influ- 
ence to be overlaid by the persevering artifices of a jealous 



244 STR HENRY BULWER. 

and artful ally? How can we hope to supply the usefulness 
derivable from our command of the Contingent and Irregu- 
lars, if they are to be given up ? In short, when I hear the 
politicians of the country remark that the troubles of Europe 
with respect to this empire are only beginning, I know not 
how to reply." 

Lord Stratford soon returned to England, but visited Con- 
stantinople again, only to realize in the presence there of his 
successor, Sir Henry Bulwer, that his great work for Turkey 
was finished, and that much that he had striven for and 
obtained would be abandoned. Sir Henry Bulwer was a man 
of great diplomatic craft, but of the vilest moral character. 
He commanded the respect of nobody. The best English 
families in the city refused to receive him into their houses. 
He was a giver and receiver of bribes, and it became notori- 
ous that whenever the Turkish Government, or indeed any- 
body else, wished to carry through a scheme that might be 
supposed to be hostile to English interests, all they had to do 
was to send a sum of money to the English palace or a pair 
of fine horses to its stables. He was at last recalled for re- 
ceiving a bribe of $50,000. He did everything in his power to 
undo the work that Lord Stratford had done and to prejudice 
the Turks ao-ainst the reforms which he had been instrumental 
in inaugurating. With this appointment of Sir Henry Bulwer 
commenced the decadence of English influence at Constanti- 
nople and that long series of diplomatic blunders that have 
resulted in the feeling on the part of every class of people in 
the Turkish Empire that England is a synonym for treachery 
and disgrace. There have been fine men in the English 
embassy : Lord Lyons, so well known in the diplomatic circles 
in Washington, was there for a time, and had he remained, it 



ATROCITIES IN SYRIA. 245 

is probable that much of the lost ground would have been 
regained, but he was promoted to Paris ; Lord Dufferin was 
there for a time and his well-known high character and great 
ability accomplished much, but his term was very short ; Sir 
William White had a period of most successful conduct of 
English interests, but he was removed by death. Since 1857, 
the & English embassy at Constantinople has been occupied the 
greater portion of the time by Sir Henry Bulwer, a man of 
great ability, but of the lowest character ; Sir Henry Elliot, a 
man of high personal character, but of no diplomatic ability ; 
Sir Austen Layard, not dissimilar to Sir Henry Elliott, and 
of late years by Sir Philip Currie, a man of ability and force 
of character, but hampered by his relations and not equipped 
by diplomatic tact and skill to meet the wiles of Russian 
diplomacy. 

The next most important event after the treaty of Paris 
was the atrocities in Syria, where vast numbers of the 
Maronites were massacred by the Druzes. All Europe was 
filled with horror, and France sprang to the front to reassert 
her former supremacy. The French fleet anchored in front 
of Beirut ; French troops held the road to Damascus, and 
Syria became for the time being a French colony. The 
influence of other powers, however, prevented her securing 
occupation and Fuad Pasha represented the Turkish Govern- 
ment with such success in the quieting of the Moslem tur- 
moil that the Sultan succeeded in preserving his hold upon 
that portion of his empire. This much, however, was gained; 
a reorganization of the government was secured and the 
province of Lebanon was established under a Christian 
governor, to be appointed with and not to be removed with- 
out the consent of European Powers. This proved a great 



246 



ADVENT OF ABD-UL-AZIZ. 



boon, and Syria was at peace as she had not been for 
centuries. 

In 1 861, Abd-ul-Medjid died and his brother Abd-ul-Aziz 
came to the throne. The new Sultan was a man of entirely 
different type from either of his predecessors ; low-browed, 
coarse, sensual, given up to the gratification of personal pas- 
sions and personal pique; caring for nothing except his 
personal comfort and the gratification of his personal pride ; 
a coward, a tyrant, the tool of designing men, utterly weak 
for any good. At times strong men, like Fuad and Ali and 
Midhat and Ahmed Vefyk Pashas, succeeded in gaining a 
temporary power, but they could accomplish comparatively 
little for good, and the Turkish court from 1871 to 1876 was 
the scene of unbounded extravagance and corruption. 

Outwardly the reign was one of great progress. The 
navy was built up and put on a footing which brought the 
Turkish Government on a reasonable par with the other 
Mediterranean Governments ; the army was developed and 
its organization was brought into better shape than at any 
time previous ; palaces and public buildings were erected. 
Up to the reign of Abd-ul-Medjid the Sultans had occupied 
the famous old palace of the Seraglio, but it was becoming 
out of date, and furthermore, there were so many traditions 
of violence and crime connected with it that there was a pall of 
superstition hanging over it. Abd-ul-Medjid built the palace 
of Dolma-Bagtche, which contains one of the finest throne- 
rooms in the world. It was sumptuously furnished and most 
beautifully decorated. When Abd-ul-Aziz came to the throne 
this was not sufficient and he put up the palace at Tcheragan, 
just above, with adornments even surpassing in beauty, in 
some respects, those of Dolma-Bagtche. Other old palaces 



IMPROVEMENTS. 247 



were torn down and beautiful buildings erected in their place. 
There were new roads built and efforts to improve the gener- 
al condition of the city. Constantinople itself has always 
suffered from fires; the crowded wooden buildings furnished 
behest Possible food for conflagration, and i the absolute V 
worthless fire department seemed to help o n ra her than 
hinder the flames. One great fire occurred , the latter part 
of the rei-n, and it was common report that under the 
Sul an s Ipec al orders no efforts were made to stop .t It 
f ad right through the city from the Golden Horn to the 
Xrmorarand was checked only as it came «P*^J 
hi.h walls of the Armenian Patnarchate. The generally 
understood reason for the action of the government was that 
it £ht build up this section again in more approved modern 
sty" At any rate this was done, and the whole of that 
rel on to-day bears a far different appearance from other sec- 
ions of the. city. Wide streets took the place of the narrow 
lanes and brick and stone houses replaced the wooden fire- 
raps At the same time concessions were granted on every 
hand' for improvements of all sorts. European speculators 
thronged in'crowds around the offices of the Subhme Porte 
and the gateways of the palace. They paid heavy bnbes and 
secured the most valuable subventions. Among the most 
notorious, and one which yet was a fair illustration , of many 
others was that for the railway extending from Constantinople 
to Adrianople. An Austrian financier secured the concession, 
and the contract awarded him so much for each kilometer. 
The result was that the road, by taking advantage of every 
possible turn, avoiding grades and bridges so far as possible 
nearly doubled the distance in a straight fine between the 
two cities. Care was taken also to have the different stations 



15 



248 



MORE FAVORABLE FEATURES. 



at sufficient distance from the principal places on the route, 
apparently in order to provide additional income to those 
who wished to connect the cities with the railroad; The 
whole matter was a "job" of the most stupendous character, 
and was a simple illustration of what was done all over the 
empire. The government borrowed money with absolute 
recklessness. Engagements were entered into without the 
slightest careful investigation as to the resources of the 
empire and extravagance ran riot. 

At the same time there were more favorable features. It 
was during this period that Robert College in Constantinople, 
the Syrian Protestant College in Beirut, the Bible House in 
Constantinople and various other educational and philan- 
thropic institutions were started. So long as the immediate 
interests of the more avaricious Turks were not interfered 
with, there was in a degree free hand for those who sought 
to improve the general condition of the people. Foreign in- 
fluence was at its height and many a native, not merely Chris- 
tian, but Turk, rejoiced in the support of those who sought 
not any sectarian advantage, but the general improvement of 
the country. In the administration of the government the 
offices were filled to a degree as had never before been known 
with Christians. There were large number of Europeans — 
English, German and French ; and with all the bribery and 
extortion there was more of business enterprise than had 
been known during any of the preceding reigns. Armenians 
and Greeks also were pushed to the front. Their abilities 
were recognized by the heads of departments, and the pres- 
sure on every hand for the rapid accomplishment of enter- 
prises, which called for more of energy than the average 
Turk was willing to exert, resulted in great opportunities for 



A NEW SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. 



249 



those who were willing to work — and laziness has never been 
a general vice of any of the Christian populations of the 
Levant. This had its effect in ameliorating the condition of 
the Christians ; at the same time, as is noticed in other 
chapters, this rapid improvement brought with it increasing 
information and still higher ideas. All of the Christian sub- 
jects of the Sultan began to feel still more restive under the 
Moslem tyranny, for that tyranny still existed. The absence 
of any genuine conception of reform or of good government 
in the Sultans inevitably affected the whole management of 
the empire, and taxation was scarcely less severe than it had 
been in the past, the chief improvement being in the freedom 
from certain other influences that worked heavily against the 
Christians. Thus it came about that there was perhaps more 
restiveness throughout the empire than there had been pre- 
viously. 

Soon after the disturbances in Syria, the Grand Vizier, Ali 
Pasha, made public a new system of provincial government 
in which each province was to have a Christian vice-governor 
and advisory council composed of Moslems and Christians, 
an independent judiciary and a complete police force. The 
first application of this was to the province of the Danube, 
including Bulgaria, which was placed under Mithad Pasha, 
perhaps the most aggressive of all the officials that Turkey 
has ever had. He carried it out there with great success, 
and in a year and a half brigandage was practically extinct 
in the province ; several hundreds of miles of road had been 
built, and schools, city hospitals, banks and steam navigation 
companies had been established. In 1867 tne system was 
ordered to be applied throughout the empire, and the foreign 
Powers acted as if they thought that the reorganization was 



250 



MAHMUD NEDIM PASHA. 



really going to be carried out. It seems scarcely possible 
that they should have been thoroughly deceived in this, for 
they knew perfectly well that the intricacy of the system of- 
fered abundant facility for corruption, and that the contempt 
felt by all Moslems for any laws not based upon the Koran 
would effectually check the application of the European code. 
As a matter of fact the whole system was lifeless from the 
beginning, and with the death of Ali Pasha all pretense of 
carrying it out disappeared. He, however, accomplished this 
much, that he warded off active interference on the part of 
Europe for fifteen years. He was followed by Mahmud 
Nedim Pasha, a man of strong individuality, who claimed 
that the Sultan could brook no interference of Europe in the 
internal affairs of Turkey, and announced his determination 
to govern upon the principle that Western civilization is in- 
herently unfit for the needs of Eastern races. In this he had 
the cordial support of the Turks, and more significant still, 
of the Russian Ambassador at Constantinople, General 
Ignatief, probably the shrewdest representative that Russia 
ever had at the Sublime Porte, and one to whom perhaps 
more than to any one else has been due the policy which 
Russia has followed out unwaveringly, of opposing any ac- 
tive interference on the part of Europe in the internal man- 
agement of the Ottoman Government. That this was 
prompted by any interest in Turkey no one will believe. It 
was simply the plan by which the situation was to grow worse 
and worse until it became inevitable for Russia herself to 
intervene and take what she desired. 

The results of this were soon manifest. In the summer of 
1875 commenced revolt in Herzegovina, extending to Bosnia. 
Already there had been disturbance in the Danubian Prov- 






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FRESH DISTURBANCES. 253 

inces resulting in an increased independency; then came 
the famous Andrassy note, in which Austria demanded re- 
forms in the Balkan Peninsula, opposed by the Turks as 
derogatory to their honor. Meanwhile Russian embassies 
were at work throughout the Balkan Peninsula, and Bui- 
garians on every hand were being roused to a pitch of in- 
tense hostility to Turkish rule. Then came Russian pro- 
posals skilfully arranged in such form as to arouse hostility 
rather than the support of the other Powers and also the 
fanaticism of the Turks. The result was a series of arbitrary 
arrests of Bulgarians, the sending of troops into Bulgaria 
and the providing of Moslems with arms for use in case of 
the arising of the Christians. Then came an outbreak in 
Salonica, when the European consuls were beaten to death 
by a fanatic mob, followed by a general movement through- 
out Bulgaria attended by an outbreak of Softas in Constanti- 
nople. The utter incapacity of Abd-ul-Aziz was more and 
more evident, and there was a revolt under the lead of Mithad 
Pasha. A fetvah was secured from the Sheik-ul-Islam, 
Abd-ul-Aziz was dethroned, and notwithstanding the intrigues 
that had been going on for several years in favor of his own 
son, the legal heir, Murad, his nephew and the son of Abd-ul- 
Medjid, became Sultan. Meanwhile the atrocities in Bul- 
garia continued and it became evident that Murad was un- 
equal to the task. Abd-ul-Aziz had been assassinated, as was 
generally understood, as were also some of the ministers. 
The whole situation in Constantinople was chaos when Abd-ul- 
Hamid II came to the throne. At this time Servia declared 
war, and the situation throughout the empire became more 
and more serious. Abd-ul-Hamid banished Mithad Pasha 
and convened the first Turkish Parliament. For a while it 



254 RUSSIA DECLARES WAR. 

seemed as if something were going to be done, but nego- 
tiations were followed by protocols, protocols by protests, 
and in April, 1887, Russia declared war, feeling that there 
would be no great opposition to the advance of her army 
which she had been massing in Bessarabia. The story of the 
war that followed, both in Eastern Turkey and on the Danube, 
is familiar. The determined opposition of the Turkish 
troops, the defense of Plevna, the storming of the Shipka Pass 
and the final advance through Bulgaria, until the Russian 
army had captured Adrianople and was massed on the very 
outskirts of Constantinople, formed a panorama of intense in- 
terest. All this was watched with great interest and some 
solicitude by Europe, which came to realize that Russia was 
on the point of securing the end that she had had in view 
for so long. England was the only power to act and her 
fleet was anchored in Besika Bay, just outside of the Dar- 
danelles. The armistice and terms of peace between Turkey 
and Russia, forming the basis of the treaty of San Stephano, 
were signed at Adrianople January 31st; the treaty itself at 
San Stefano, within sight of Constantinople, March 3d, 1878. 
The conditions comprised the establishment of a principality 
of Bulgaria, the payment of a war indemnity or a terri- 
torial compensation ; the independence of Rumania, Servia 
and Montenegro, with an increase of territory for each of the 
principalities, the introduction of reforms in Bosnia and 
Herzegovina and ulterior understanding- between the Sultan 
and the Czar in regard to the Straits and the evacuation by 
the Turks of the fortresses of the Danube. As soon as this 
became known England was alarmed and the fleet was sent 
through the Dardanelles, and for the second time in history 
anchored at the Princes' Islands. 



A HALT CALLED. 255 

It has been a subject of much discussion, why Russia did 
not improve her opportunity, and seize Constantinople when 
it was in her power. She could have done this with compara- 
tive ease, at least so many think. Others claim that the 
Turks were in condition to offer considerable resistance still, 
and that Russia knew very well that Europe, especially 
England, would not permit her to carry out the plan without 
war. For this certainly she was not prepared. So also there 
were many questions in regard to partition of the empire 
which may well have made her hesitate, and of which mention 
will be made in a later chapter on the general question of the 
partition of the empire. Whatever were the reasons, a halt 
was called. Then came the field of diplomacy. England and 
Austria, through their Ambassadors at St. Petersburg and 
Constantinople, announced that they would refuse to recog- 
nize conditions of peace in contravention of the terms of the 
Treaty of Paris, except as Europe had an opportunity to con- 
sider them. Russia declared that all such terms would be 
submitted to a review by the Powers. Finally a Conference 
of the Powers was called, first at Vienna, then at Baden-Baden, 
and finally at Berlin. A difficulty arose in regard to the sub- 
mission to the Conference of the entire treaty of San Stephano. 
This was demanded by England and refused by Russia. For 
a time it seemed as if war was imminent, but at last a ofeneral 
agreement having been reached by mutual conference between 
Russia, England and Austria, the representatives of England, 
Austria, Russia, France, Italy and Turkey met at Berlin in 
June, 1878, and remained one month, the Treaty being signed 
upon the 13th of July. Its main points may be summarized 
as follows : 

1. Bulgaria, including Sophia, to be constituted a tributary 



2 eft POINTS OF THE BERLIN TREATY. 

principality of the Sultan, ruled by a prince and an elected 
assembly, and to be organized under a Russian Commissary 
General assisted by delegates from the European Powers. 
The period of organization not to exceed nine months. 

2. A province called Eastern Rumelia to be formed on the 
south of the Balkans, and to be governed by a Christian under 
the orders of the Sultan. The organization of this province 
to be under control of a commission appointed by the 
European Powers. Russian troops, not to exceed 50,000 in 
number, to occupy Bulgaria and Eastern Rumelia during 
nine months, and to fully evacuate both provinces within three 
months after this period. 

3. Administrative modifications promised in 1868 to be in- 
troduced in the island of Crete. Similar modifications to be 
introduced in the administration of all the provinces of 
European Turkey which are not otherwise provided for. 
These details of this reorganization to be submitted to the 
European Commission charged with the organization of 
Eastern Rumelia. 

4. If Greece and Turkey fail to agree upon the ratification 
of the frontier indicated in the proceedings of the Congress, 
the Powers reserve the riant to offer mediation to the two 
parties. 

5. Bosnia and Herzegovina to be occupied by Austria. 

6. Montenegro to be constituted an independent principal- 
ity, with enlargement of territory (equal in amount to its 
whole previous area), including the seaport of Antivari, but 
not to be allowed to hold either ships or flags of war, and its 
ports to be controlled by Austrian revenue cutters. 

7. Servia to be constituted an independent principality, with 
large additions of territory on the south and east. 



BRITISH TREATY WITH THE PORTE. 257 

8. Rumania to be constituted an independent principality, 
to cede to Russia the portion of Bessarabia taken from Russia 
by the Treaty of Paris of 1856, and to receive in exchange 
the district of the Dobruja. 

9. Kars, Ardahan and Batum to be ceded by Turkey to 
Russia, and Katour to Persia. 

10. The Turkish Government to introduce without delay 
suitable measures of reform in all districts inhabited by 
Armenians. 

11. Absolute religious liberty to exist in all the territories 
referred to above, including the whole Turkish Empire. 

The gain of Turkey, by the substitution of the treaty of 
Berlin for that of San Stephano, was in the territories cut by 
this new treaty from the principalities erected by the older 
one, and in the substitution of a European supervision for a 
Russian supervision of the execution of the treaty. 

Meanwhile other negotiations had been going on, and just 
before the close of the Congress the British Government 
announced a treaty concluded with the Porte consisting of the 
following Articles : 

"Article I. If Batum, Ardahan, Kars, or any of them, shall 
be retained by Russia, and if any attempt shall be made at 
any future time by Russia to take possession of any further 
territories of his Imperial Majesty the Sultan in Asia, as fixed 
by the definitive treaty of peace, England engages to join his 
Imperial Majesty the Sultan in defending them by force of 
arms. 

"In return, his Imperial Majesty the Sultan promises to 
England to introduce necessary reforms, to be agreed upon 
later between the two Powers, into, the government, and for 
the protection of the Christian and other subjects of the 



258 TURKISH CHRISTIANS JUBILANT. 

Porte in these territories ; and in order to enable England 
to make necessary provision for executing her engagement, 
his Imperial Majesty the Sultan further consents to assign 
the Island of Cyprus to be occupied and administered by 
England. 

"Article II. The present convention shall be ratified, and 
the ratifications thereof shall be exchanged, within the space 
of one month, or sooner if possible." 

To all appearance England had triumphed. Not only had 
the treaty of San Stephano been set aside, but the Sultan had 
practically recognized her as his most potent and most influen- 
tial ally. The prestige lost during twenty years of misman- 
agement had suddenly by a master stroke been regained, and 
all the Christians of Turkey were jubilant. The new Sultan 
was looked upon as a mild man thoroughly desirous of the 
good of his people, and there were the brightest anticipations of 
genuine reform. At this point it will be advantageous to look 
at the constitution of the Turkish Government. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Condition of the Christians. 

The Christians under Early Moslem Rule — Mohammed II — General Oppression — Protec- 
tion by French Government — Russian Intrigue — Power of the Greek Church — Reforms 
under Mahmud II and Abd-ul-Medjid — The Hatti Humayoun — General Improvement 
Throughout the Empire. 

UP to the time of the capture of Constantinople, the rela- 
tions of the Moslem Sultans to the Christians were 
simply those of tyrants, who collected what they could and 
recognized no rights of any kind on the part of those who 
refused to accept Islam. The fact, however, that there was 
scarcely any organized government of any kind made matters 
worse, and soon after the establishment of the dynasty, even 
as for back as 1360, just after the death of Orchan, it is said 
that some Armenian refugees came to Edward III, at Reading, 
made complaint that the Mussulmans were trying to extermi- 
nate their people, and asked leave to live in England and 
collect subscriptions for their fellow-sufferers. The king 
granted the petition, took the Armenians under his protection, 
but only so long as the protected should do nothing injurious 
to his realm, and should " bear themselves in true faith and 
honesty." But it was not only the Armenians who suffered. 
On both sides of the Bosporus and the Dardanelles the 

( 2 59) 



26o CONVERSION BY FORCE. 

Greeks felt the pressure of Ottoman power, and the situation 
all through southeastern Europe was one of terror. 

Among the greatest causes for suffering was the organiza- 
tion of the Janissaries. So long as Christian captives were 
constantly being taken, every fifth captive was claimed for the 
Sultan's service. The most robust and handsome were 
trained for the regular military service, and formed the basis 
of the famous body of Janissaries. Later, when the extension 
of dominion put a stop to this source of supply, a tax was laid 
by which every fifth male child of the Christian population 
of the empire was converted by force and added to this com- 
pany, until it has been estimated that in the course of three 
centuries not less than five million Christian children were 
sacrificed to this policy of the Sultans. The effect was two- 
fold ; it kept the Christian peoples in a constant state of sub- 
jection and terror, and it served as a heavy tax upon their 
actual strength by removing the most virile portion of the 
population. 

With the conquest of Constantinople there was a measure 
of relief in the situation. Yet in one aspect it became 
even worse. Under the policy of Mohammed II, by which he 
sought to strengthen his capital, there was formed a group of 
Greeks associated with the Patriarchs, to whom was granted 
a special section of the city called then and still the Phanar 
or Fanar. These Fanariotes became notorious for their 
intrigues and unreliability. Their relations with the Ottomans 
seemed to develop the very worst elements of the Greek 
character, and there commenced under them that style of life 
which has done more to degrade the Christians of the Levant 
than almost anything else. One illustration of this is seen 
in the fact of the very great number of Turkish officials of 



POLITICAL INFLUENCES. 26l 

Christian origin. Under Mohammed, of five grand viziers fou r 
were Christians — two Greeks and two Illyrians ; under Sulei- 
man the Magnificent, of nine grand viziers eight were of 
Christian origin. With such opportunities opened for advance- 
ment and wealth, the great surprise is, not that there were so 
many defections, but that there were so few. The recognition 
of the overpowering tyranny of the government, the realiza- 
tion that that tyranny could be averted only by catering to 
the passions or the cupidity of the ruling class, developed a 
servility and treachery that has been the bane of the Christian 
races of the Ottoman Empire. The same result was assisted 
by the peculiar ecclesiastical rule which was established. The 
worst features of the union of Church and State were mani- 
fest, and the priests became even more political leaders than 
spiritual guides. 

The various revolutions noticed in the preceding chapters 
operated also to bind still more closely the chains of oppres- 
sion upon the Christian populations. Were it possible to 
learn the detailed history of those centuries, undoubtedly 
instance after instance would be given of heroic defense and 
of loyalty to their faith on the part of every class and every 
church. On the other hand, the barbarism of the age had its 
effects upon the Christian chiefs, and both in Europe and in 
Asia, though especially in Europe, the.Christians of Hungary, 
Moldavia, Bosnia and Dalmatia were allied to Turkish Pashas 
in ferocity. 

The commencement of treaty relations between Turkey 
and the European powers was the first gleam of light that 
came to the Christian subjects of the Sultans. The simple 
fact that there were Christians recognized as having rights, 
in itself gave some encouragement, even to those who did 



262 FRENCH INFLUENCE. 

not share in the immediate benefits accorded to those con- 
nected with the Roman Catholic Church. The appearance 
of Catholic missions and convents in the various Turkish 
States, the protection of Roman Catholic Christians, especially 
in Syria, in their pilgrimages to Jerusalem, gave to all classes 
— Greeks, Armenians, and others — a degree of hope that the 
time might come when their load should be lightened. In the 
main, however, the interest of Europe was political rather 
than religious, and for the most part the Christians were so 
thoroughly left to themselves that almost their only hope lay 
in securing the friendship, by whatever means were available, 
of their Moslem rulers. When by chance there came a 
milder governor, especially in the European provinces, the 
subject Christians would be found willing to sustain the cause 
of the Turks, and in more than one instance the primates 
were found to have intrigued in favor of the Porte. The 
French Ambassador, De Breves, rendered noble service when, 
in Constantinople, he threw himself between the infuriated 
Janissaries and the churches of Galata, declaring that he 
would defend at the peril of his life the exercise of the Chris- 
tian religion ; so also when he averted an initial massacre at 
Scio and preserved the Church of the Holy Sepulchre to the 
Christian faith. It was no vain boast he made when he 
claimed to have given liberty to from one thousand to twelve 
hundred men who had been made slaves at different times. 

A picture of the condition of the Christians a century after 
the capture of Constantinople is given by a traveler, who 
describes them in 1571 as so depraved and degraded that 
they hardly dared look a Turk in the face ; the only care 
of their listless existence being to raise enough for their 
maintenance and pay the kharadj and poll tax — all beyond 



JESUIT INTRIGUES. 263 

would be seized by the Turks. In Constantinople only was 
there any security, and here at the end of the sixteenth century 
it is said that there were not less than 100,000 of them, 
many of whom acquired wealth either by trade or farming 
the revenues. One such was reported to have the fate of 
whole provinces in his hands, and the splendor of his palace 
rivalled that of the Sultan. 

It was perhaps in view of this condition that the French 
ambassador, De Breves, in presenting his defense of the 
Franco-Turkish alliance dwelt to a considerable extent on the 
advantage accruing to the Christian population from the 
French influence. He dwelt upon the number of monasteries 
permitted by the Sultan in Constantinople, colleges estab- 
lished by the Jesuits, the number of bishops in the different 
Turkish States and the honor coming to the French name 
by the securing of the protection of the Holy Places. But 
it was not only the Roman Catholics that he felt would be 
benefited. Reference was specially made to the Greek and 
Armenian Christians and to the Copts of Egypt, all of whom 
in their -pressing necessities and terrible oppression were 
glad to have recourse to the powerful support of the French 
kings. In connection with this French influence commenced 
Jesuit intrigues, and the priests already conceived great pro- 
jects for the re-establishment of Roman Catholicism in the 
East. The English ambassador denounced them as spies of 
Spain and alarmed the Turkish Government; so they were 
arrested and imprisoned. Their release was immediately 
secured, but the Ottoman Government did not hesitate to 
declare that it preferred to see ten ordinary priests rather 
than one Jesuit in Constantinople. So much did this preju- 
dice increase that a few years later, notwithstanding the 



264 FANATICAL FURY. 

utmost efforts of the French Ambassador, the Jesuits were 
banished from Constantinople for the period of twelve years. 
At about this same time, the early part of the seventeenth 
century, we find the Armenians developing considerable 
influence. They had spread throughout Asia Minor and had 
increased their colony in Jerusalem to such a degree that 
they had forced the Catholic monks from the Holy Places at 
Bethlehem and taken possession of them themselves, only in 
turn to be removed on appeal to the French Government. 
Perhaps on account partly of the aggressive action of some 
of the French ambassadors, at about the same time, free 
reins seem to have been given to the fanatical fury of the 
Ottomans against the Christians in different parts of the 
empire, and even in Constantinople itself the churches were 
closed and terror reigned everywhere. Sultan Ibrahim I 
gave way to such furious anger in consequence of some 
European successes, that he resolved to exterminate all the 
Christians in the empire. This, however, was limited, on the 
representation of the Moslem Mufti to Europeans only, and 
next, under the protest of his ministers, to the Roman 
Catholic priests. The order for these massacres was given, 
and for several days the Franks dwelling in Constantinople 
believed themselves doomed to certain death. It was, how- 
ever, revoked after much diplomatic pressure. 

The general effect of all this was to stir the Catholic 
world and arouse the religious zeal even in France for war 
against the infidels, and this had no slight influence upon the 
strange vicissitudes of Turco-European diplomacy, all of 
which accomplished practically little for the general welfare of 
the Christians. The war in Hungary resulted in the carrying 
of nearly 80,000 Christians into slavery and the general con- 



GREEK CHURCH. 265 

dition was most deplorable. Occasionally there was a little 
relief when such men as the Kuprulis held sway and intro- 
duced certain modifications of the bitterness of Moslem rule 
for the benefit of the Christian subjects of the Sultan, but in 
the main fanaticism ruled and the Christian was looked upon 
in the typical Moslem style, as a mere slave who had no 
rights of any kind, simply duties. 

With the peace of Carlowitz came into prominence the 
power of the Greek Church. Already there had been more 
or less of conflict, but now that assumed very great propor- 
tions. Not that there was much of Christianity in it. The be- 
lief professed by the people and even by the priests was 
probably the most superstitious form of the faith that had 
ever been set forth. The church, however, was led by men 
and women of great power, and their Christianity, even 
though largely destitute of moral power, was available for 
some mitigation of the sufferings of those at least whom they 
recognized as akin in Christian faith. As early as 1670 an 
English historian calls attention to fact that the Greeks 
throughout the empire turned to the Russian as their protec- 
tor and claimed that according to all their prophecies, ancient 
and modern, he was destined to be the restorer of their 
church and their freedom. This feeling was industriously 
strengthened by Russian emissaries. The Czar issued a 
proclamation guaranteeing to the Moldo-Wallachians the 
exclusive exercise of the Greek religion. A bishop was seen 
at Jerusalem circulating a report that the Turks would be 
driven out of Europe by the Russian nation, and Peter 
evidently hoped for a revolt of all the adherents of the 
Greek religion. This mingling of politics with religion, how- 
ever, accomplished very little for the general welfare of the 
16 



266 A DOOR OF HOPE. 

people. Indeed in some respects it seems to have made it 
worse. It roused the suspicions of the Turkish rulers, and 
wherever they were naturally under the influence of fanati- 
cism it assisted rather than hindered the practice of outrag- 
eous oppression. Especially was this true in the interior 
provinces. Whatever of relief came was upon the borders. In 
Constantinople, Smyrna and in Syria there was some pretence 
of protection. But inland this disappeared entirely, and the 
description given in previous chapters of the general de- 
moralization of the Turkish Empire emphasizes the terrible 
condition of the Christian population. That they retained 
their faith and even their national unity is a marvelous tribute 
to their character and to the genuineness — if ignorant and 
superstitious — of their religious belief. 

Still there was growth and the treaty of Kainardji in 1774, 
as it opened a wide door for Russian usurpation, opened 
also a wide door of hope for the Christian population. The 
promise of the Porte to protect the Christian religion and its 
churches, although vague, really accomplished something, and 
even those who refused any association with the Greek 
Church reaped, perhaps to a slightly better degree, the bene- 
fits of their fellows. The most, however, that can be said is 
very little, and the general condition of the Christian popula- 
tion of the Turkish Empire at the close of the last century 
and the commencement of the reign of Mahmud was one of 
intense suffering. 

About this time the Christians were distributed in the main 
as at present. The Greeks occupied the coast both of the 
Black Sea and the Mediterranean, extending somewhat inland 
from Smyrna and Adana and occupying villages in Central 
Asia Minor ; the Armenians in largest numbers in their 



GREEK INSURRECTION. 267 

ancestral country, Erzrum, extended from the eastern end 
of the Black Sea south to the region of Van. They were 
also found in increasing numbers throughout Asia Minor and 
Northern Syria. The Syrians of Mesopotamia had fled to a 
considerable extent to the mountains where they led a sort of 
feudal life, scarcely to be distinguished from the Kurds sur- 
rounding them ; those on the Mesopotamia plain, Syrians or 
Chaldeans, were constantly subject to the oppression of the 
Pashas; the Maronites of Syria occupied the Lebanon 
heights and the Copts were in the towns of the Nile valley. 
In European Turkey attention was mostly drawn to the Ser- 
vians and Wallachians ; the Bulgarians had as yet not attained 
any such national power as to bring them particularly into 
prominence. 

The early part of the reign of Mahmud II accomplished 
very little for the Christians. Attention was directed more 
especially to the Greeks and their efforts for independence, 
and foreign nations were too absorbed in their international 
politics to pay much attention to the general condition of the 
Sultan's Christian subjects. The Greek insurrection brought 
heavy loss upon their communities, and the massacre at Scio, 
which left scarce 900 out of 100,000, startled the whole Chris- 
tian world and operated strongly to bring about the inde- 
pendence of Greece, just as, later, the Bulgarian massacres 
resulted in an independent Bulgaria. Mahmud's ideas were 
tolerant. He realized the value to the state of the ability and 
shrewdness of his Christian subjects, as is shown by his calling 
numbers of Armenians to hold positions of influence in the 
government, and had he been free to act as he desired, un- 
doubtedly their condition would have been very much amelio- 
rated. As it was, it improved. One influence that worked 



268 GOLDEN ERA. 

in this direction was the arrival of the American missionaries 
at Constantinople in 1831 and their subsequent rapid spread 
over the empire. The first effect indeed seemed unfortunate. 
The preaching of evangelical ideas aroused the bitterest 
hostility of the Armenian and Greek ecclesiastics, and appeared 
to increase the difficulties. This very fact, however, aroused 
attention, and the persecution of the Evangelicals called out 
the sympathies of Lord Stratford, who, though always holding 
an impartial position, never allowing himself to appear as the 
special defender of the missionaries, was able to bring to bear 
considerable influence in favor of religious liberty and thus 
improve the general condition of the people. The war with 
Mehemet Ali and his son, Ibrahim Pasha, was felt very 
severely by the interior Christian communities, and when 
Mahmud II died, in 1839, there seemed little hope of great 
improvement. 

The reign of Abd-ul-Medjid, 1 839-1 861, was, at least, so far 
as the Christians were concerned, the golden era of the 
Ottoman Sultans. He inherited his father's liberal ideas, and 
furthermore had the good sense to call to his aid some of the 
best statesmen that Turkey has known, men who cordially 
endorsed his schemes for the general improvement of the 
situation in the empire. Almost his first act was the promul- 
gation of the Hatti Sherif of Gulhane, a charter of equal 
rights for all subjects of the Sultan. This was chiefly political 
in its scope, having regard to the relations between the subject 
and the government, and is noticed somewhat at length in the 
chapter on Reforms and Progress. It was noticeable chiefly, 
so far as the Christians were concerned, for its recognition of 
their right to the same protection and justice which was 
accorded to Moslems. The difficulty of carrying out any such 




9111 TAN OF TURKEY. Sultan Abdul H amid II is now fifty-four years 

Sonar h y aS par?y\ a arn?ad d etrnL,r%sp n „ d ns'lnle b Ior the terrfble outrages in h,s 

empire, 



HATTI HUMAYOUN. 271 

scheme as this was made evident by the terrible massacres 
which occurred in Eastern Turkey, when the Nestorians and 
Jacobites suffered at the hands of Badir Khan Bey and his 
Turkish hordes (see chapter on the Nestorians). In general, 
however, there was peace, and on every hand the condition 
of the Christian population improved. 

In 1853 appeared a firman recognizing the Protestant com- 
munity and giving them all the rights belonging to any other 
Christian race. This was a great advance in the recognition 
of the principle of religious liberty, and paved the way for the 
next step. 

In 1856 appeared the most notable proclamation ever issued 
by a Moslem ruler, the Hatti Humayoun. This was specially 
for the Christian races, and on account of its great importance 
as well as general interest, is given below in full. 

HATTI HUMAYOUN. 

" Let it be done as herein set forth.* 

"To you, my Grand Vizier, Mohammed Emin Ali Pasha, decorated with 
my imperial order of the medjidieh of the first class, and with the order of 
personal merit ; may God grant to you greatness and increase your power. 

" It has always been my most earnest desire to insure the happiness of all 
classes of the subjects whom Divine Providence has placed under my im- 
perial sceptre, and since my accession to the throne I have not ceased to di- 
rect all my efforts to the attainment of that end. 

"Thanks to the Almighty, these unceasing efforts have already been pro- 
ductive of numerous useful results. From day to day the happiness of the 
nation and the wealth of my dominions go on augmenting. 

" It being now my desire to renew and enlarge still more the new institu- 
tions ordained with a view of establishing a state of things conformable 
with the dignity of my empire and the position which it occupies among 
civilized nations, and the rights of my empire having, by the fidelity and 

* These words, written by the Sultan's own hand, constitute the decree a Hatti Hu- 
mayoun. 



272 



PRIVILEGES SECURED. 



praiseworthy efforts of all my subjects, and by the kind and friendly assist- 
ance of the great powers, my noble allies, received from abroad a confir- 
mation which will be the commencement of a new era, it is my desire to 
augment its well-being and prosperity, to effect the happiness of all my sub- 
jects, who in my sight are all equal, and equally dear to me, and who are 
united to each other by the cordial ties of patriotism, and to insure the 
means of daily increasing the prosperity of my empire. 

"I have therefore resolved upon, and I order the execution of the fol- 
lowing measures : 

" The guarantees promised on our part by the Hatti Humayoun of Gul- 
hane (No. 188), and in conformity with the Tanzimat (scheme of reform), 
to all the subjects of my empire, without distinction of classes or of religion, 
for the security of their persons and property, and the preservation of their 
honor, are to-day confirmed and consolidated, and efficacious measures shall 
be taken in order that they may have their full, entire effect. 

"All the privileges and spiritual immunities granted by my ancestors ab 
antiquo, and at subsequent dates, to all Christian communities or other non- 
Mussulman persuasions established in my empire, under my protection, shall 
be confirmed and maintained. 

" Every Christian or other non-Mussulman community shall be bound 
within a fixed period, and with the concurrence of a commission composed 
ad hoc of members of its own body, to proceed, with my high approbation and 
under the inspection of my Sublime Porte, to examine into its actual im- 
munities and privileges, and to discuss and submit to my Sublime Porte the 
reforms required by the progress of civilization and of the age. The powers 
conceded to the Christian patriarchs and bishops by the Sultan Mohammed 
II, and by his successors, shall be made to harmonize with the new position 
which my generous and beneficent intentions insure to those communities. 

"The principle of nominating the patriarchs for life, after the revision of 
the rule of election now in force, shall be exactly carried out, conformably 
to the tenor of their firmans of investiture. 

" The patriarchs, metropolitans, archbishops, bishops and rabbins shall 
take an oath on their entrance into office, according to a form agreed upon 
in common by my Sublime Porte and the spiritual heads of the different re- 
ligious communities. The ecclesiastical dues, of whatever sort or nature 
they be, shall be abolished and replaced by fixed revenues of the patriarchs 
and heads of communities, and by the allocations of allowances and salaries 



FREE WORSHIP. 273 

equitably proportioned to the importance, the rank, and the dignity of the 
different members of the clergy. 

"The property, real or personal, of the different Christian ecclesiastics 
shall remain intact; the temporal administration of the Christian or other 
non-Mussulman communities shall, however, be placed under the safeguard 
of an assembly to be chosen from among the members, both ecclesiastics and 
laymen, of the said communities. 

"In the towns, small boroughs, and villages where the whole population is 
of the same religion, no obstacle shall be offered to the repair, according to 
their original plan, of buildings set apart for religious worship, for schools, 
for hospitals and for cemeteries. 

" The plans of these different buildings in case of their new erection, must, 
after having been approved by the patriarchs or heads of communities, be 
submitted to my Sublime Porte, which will approve of them by my imperial 
order, or make known its observations upon them within a certain time. 
Each sect, in localities where there are no other religious denominations, 
shall be free from every species of restraint as regards the public exercise 
of its religion. 

" In the towns, small boroughs, and villages where different sects are 
mingled together, each community inhabiting a distinct quarter, shall, by 
conforming to the above-mentioned ordinances, have equal power to repair 
and improve its churches, its hospitals, its schools, and its cemeteries. 
When there is question of their erection of new buildings, the necessary au- 
thority must be asked for, through the medium of the patriarchs and heads 
of communities from my Sublime Porte, which will pronounce a sovereign 
decision according that authority, except in the case of administrative ob- 
stacles. 

"The intervention of the administrative authority in all measures of this 
nature will be entirely gratuitous. My Sublime Porte Will take energetic 
measures to insure to each sect, whatever be the number of its adherents, 
entire freedom in the exercise of its religion. Every distinction or designa- 
tion tending to make any class whatever of the subjects of my empire inferior 
to another class, on account of their religion, language, or race, shall be for- 
ever effaced from administrative protocol. The laws shall be put in force 
against the use of any injurious or offensive term, either among private in- 
dividuals or on the part of the authorities. 

"As all forms of religion are and shall be freely professed in my dominions, 



274 



MIXED TRIBUNALS. 



no subject of my empire shall be hindered in the exercise of the religion 
that he professes, nor shall he be in any way annoyed on this account. No 
one shall be compelled to change his religion. 

"The nomination and choice of all functionaries and other employes of 
my empire being wholly dependent upon my sovereign will, all the subjects 
of my empire, without distinction of nationality, shall be admissible to pub- 
lic employments, and qualified to fill them according to their capacity and 
merit, and conformably with the rules to be generally applied. 

"All the subjects of my empire, without distinction, shall be received into 
the civil and military schools of the government, if they otherwise satisfy 
the conditions as to age and examination which are specified in the organic 
regulations of the said schools. Moreover, every community is authorized to 
establish public schools of science, art, and industry. Only the method of 
instruction and the choice of professors in schools of this class shall be un- 
der the control of a mixed council of public instruction, the members of 
which shall be named by my sovereign command. 

"All commercial, correctional, and criminal suits between Mussulmans 
and Christians, or other non-Mussulman subjects, or between Christian or 
other non -Mussulmans of different sects, shall be referred to mixed tribunals. 

"The proceedings of these tribunals shall be public; the parties shall be 
confronted and shall produce their witnesses, whose testimony shall be re- 
ceived without distinction, upon an oath taken according to the religious law 
of each sect. 

"Suits relating to civil affairs shall continue to be publicly tried, accord- 
ing to the laws and regulations, before the mixed provincial councils, in the 
presence of the governor and judge of the place. 

" Special civil proceedings, such as those relating to successions or others 
of that kind, between subjects of the same Christian or other non-Mus- 
sulman faith, may, at the request of the parties, be sent before the councils 
of the patriarchs or of the communities. 

" Penal, correctional, and commercial laws, and rules of procedure for the 
mixed tribunals, shall be drawn up as soon as possible and formed into a 
code. Translations of them shall be published in all the languages current 
in the empire. 

"Proceedings shall be taken with as little delay as possible, for the re- 
form of the penitentiary system as applied to houses of detention, punish- 
ment, or correction, and other establishments of like nature, so as 



TAXES AND PROPERTY. 375 

to reconcile the rights of humanity with those of justice. Corporal 
punishment shall not be administered, even in the prisons, except in con- 
formity with the disciplinary regulations established by my Sublime Porte ; 
and everything that resembles torture shall be entirely abolished. 

" Infractions of the law in this particular shall be severely repressed, and 
shall besides entail, as of right, the punishment, in comformity with the civil 
code, of the authorities who may order and of the agents who may commit 

them. 

"The organization of the police in the capital, in the provincial towns 
and in the rural districts, shall be revised in such a manner as to give to all 
the peaceable subjects of my empire the strongest guarantees for the safety 
both of their persons and property. 

"The equality of taxes entailing equality of burdens, as equality of 
duties entails that of rights, Christian subjects and those of other non-Mus- 
sulman sects, as it has been already decided, shall, as well as Mussul- 
mans, be subject to the obligations of the law of recruitment. 

"The principle of obtaining substitutes, or of purchasing, shall be 
admitted. A complete law shall be published, with as little delay as possi- 
ble, respecting the admission into and service in the army of Christian 
and other non-Mussulman subjects. 

"Proceedings shall be taken for a reform in the constitution of the pro- 
vincial and communal councils in order to insure fairness in the choice of 
the deputies of the Mussulman, Christian, and other communities, and 
freedom of voting in the councils. 

" My Sublime Porte will take into consideration the adoption of the most 
effectual means for ascertaining exactly and for controlling the result of the 
deliberations and of the decisions arrived at. 

"As the laws regulating the purchase, sale, and disposal of real property 
are common to all the subjects of my empire, it shall be lawful for for- 
eigners to possess landed property in my dominions, conforming themselves 
to the laws and police regulations, and bearing the same charges as the na- 
tive inhabitants, and after arrangements have been come to with foreign 
powers.* 

* On the 18th of January, 1867, a law was passed granting to foreigners the right to hold 
real property in the Ottoman Empire, and on the 28th of July, 1868, a protocol was signed 
between the British and Turkish Governments relative to the admission of British subjects 
to the right of holding real property in Turkey. 



276 COUNCIL OF JUSTICE. 

"The taxes are to be levied under the same denomination from all the 
subjects of my empire, without distinction of class or religion. The most 
prompt and energetic means for remedying the abuses in collecting the 
taxes, and especially the tithes, shall be considered. 

"The system of direct collections shall gradually,and as soon as possible, 
be substituted for the plan of farming, in all the branches of the revenues of 
state. As long as the present system remains in force, all agents of the gov- 
ernment and all members of the medjlis shall be forbidden, under the 
severest penalties, to become lessees of any farming contracts which are an- 
nounced for public competition, or to have any beneficial interest in carry- 
ing them out. The local taxes shall, as far as possible, be so imposed as 
not to affect the sources of production or to hinder the progress of in- 
ternal commerce. 

"Works of public utility shall receive a suitable endowment, part of 
which shall be raised from private and special taxes levied in the prov- 
vinces, which shall have the benefit of the advantages arising from the es- 
tablishment of ways of communication by land and sea. 

"A special law having been already passed, which declares that the budget 
of the revenues and the expenditure of the state shall be drawn up and 
made known every year, the said law shall be most scrupulously observed. 
Proceedings shall be taken for revising the emoluments attached to each 
office. 

"The heads of each community and a delegate, designated by my Sub- 
lime Porte, shall be summoned to take part in the deliberations of the su- 
preme council of justice on all occasions which might interest the generality 
of the subjects of my empire. They shall be summoned specially for this 
purpose by my Grand Vizier. The delegates shall hold office for one year ; 
they shall be sworn on entering upon their duties. All the members of the 
council, at the ordinary and extraordinary meetings, shall freely give their 
opinions and their votes, and no one shall ever annoy them on this account. 

"The laws against corruption, extortion or malversation shall apply, ac- 
cording to the legal forms, to all the subjects of my empire, whatever may 
be their class and the nature of their duties. 

" Steps shall be taken for the formation of banks and other similar insti- 
tutions, so as to effect a reform in the monetary and financial system, as 
well as to create funds to be employed in augmenting the sources of the 
material wealth of my empire. Steps shall also be taken for the formation 



IMPROVED CONDITIONS. %77 

of roads and canals to increase the facilities of communication and in- 
crease the sources of the wealth of the country. 

"Everything that can impede commerce or agriculture shall be abol- 
ished. To accomplish these objects, means shall be sought to profit by 
the science, the art, and the funds of Europe, and thus gradually to execute 

them. 

"Such being my wishes and my commands, you, who are my Grand 
Vizier, will, according to custom, cause this imperial firman to be published 
in my 'capital and in all parts of my empire; and you will watch attentively 
and take all the necessary measures that all the orders which it contains be 
henceforth carried out with the most rigorous punctuality. 

"10 Dzemaziul, 1272 (February 18, 1856)."* 

During the remainder of the reign of Abd-ul-Medjid, and 
that of Abd-ul-Aziz (1861-1 876), the condition of the Christians 
throughout the empire generally improved. Outbreaks 
were not wanting. There was the massacre of Maronites by 
the Druzes in i860, and the intrigues of Russia resulted in 
the Bulgarian atrocities, which, in turn, resulted in the Russo- 
Turkish war and Bulgarian independence. For the most 
part, however, the situation was far better than it had been at 
any time. This, not merely in general prosperity, but in the re- 
lation between Christians and Moslems. Terms of reproach 
were heard less. There was greater freedom of worship and 
education, and it began to be possible for a Christian to secure 
some justice in the Turkish courts. Christians became numer- 
ous in administrative offices, and in the councils in the interior 
provinces. Taxation, while heavy, was less unevenly divided, 
and it became not unusual for a Christian to acquire property 
without attractine the notice of the Turkish authorities, and 
losing it all through the machinations of some jealous official. 
Appeals, also, were more frequently made to the higher courts, 

* This document, as also the Hatti Sherif, has been taken from Van Dyck's report on the 
Capitulations of the Ottoman Empire, published at Washington, D. C, 1 881. 



278 PROSPERITY AND INTRIGUES. 

and local magnates learned that there was a power higher 
than their own which they must respect. In this, the presence 
of the American Missionaries assisted greatly. While not 
interfering in the administration of the government, they 
frequently protested to the local governors against manifest 
injustice and assisted in the forwarding of complaints to Con- 
stantinople. The Patriarchs found cordial support at the 
hands of the foreign ambassadors, and not infrequently Turks 
looked on with envy, saying to the Armenians, "When an 
official treats you unjustly, you have some redress. You can 
send to your bishop and he to the Patriarch, and he can get 
the great Ambassador from Europe to support his plea. The 
result is, you get justice. We have nobody to go to. The 
official is one of us. He will forward no petitions, and we 
must simply accept his decision, whatever it may be." 

This amelioration of their condition was assisted not a little 
by the political necessities of the times, and the fact that 
Abd-ul-Aziz was so absorbed with his plans for aggrandize- 
ment that he thought chiefly of using every means that came 
to his hand. He found the Christians very useful, and ad- 
vanced them so that they became a great power in the land. 
Governors hesitated before they incurred their hostility, and 
they were able to do much for their fellow-subjects. This 
sort of prosperity, however, had its dangers. Intrigue in- 
creased on every hand, and the coming in contact with the 
new ideas of the West operated in some respects quite un- 
favorably (see chapter on the Armenians). 

It must not be supposed, however, that there was no oppres- 
sion. There was, and the suffering in many places was 
intense. It would have been impossible for even the most 
enlightened government to thoroughly carry out such radical 



IMPROVED GENERAL SITUATION. 279 

reforms as those of the Hatti Humayoun without great diffi- 
culty, and in Turkey this was greatly increased by the fact 
that they were bitterly opposed by the entire Moslem popula- 
tion. Turkish pashas, sheiks, beys, and aghas were not slow 
to see that their power was on the wane, and Turkish peasants 
realized that the Christians were outstripping them in many 
of the elements of prosperity. Officials thus used their power 
when they could, and Turkish citizens made their hostility 
manifest in the most unpleasant ways. The incursions of 
Kurds, Circassians, Lozes, and others were also frequent, and 
the suffering was intense in many places. Peace and pros- 
perity had by no means ccme. Yet, on the whole, the situa- 
tion of the Christians was far better when Abd-ul-Hamid II 
came to the throne in 1876, than it had been at any time since 
the establishment of the Ottoman dynasty. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

The Turkish Government. 

True Moslem State Theocratic — Dual Form of the Present Government — The Sublime 

Porte Army and Navy — Internal Administration — Financial Management — General 

Corruption — Administration of Justice — Treatment of Christians — The Ulema — The 
Palace Party — The Sultan. " 

THERE can be no proper understanding of die situation 
in Turkey without a knowledge of the peculiar char- 
acter of the Turkish Government. That government is 
in reality dual in form. So far as the outside world is concerned 
it is on the basis of an absolute monarchy or despotism. The 
Sultan is the autocrat of his empire, but has under him a 
complete organization of departments conducted by the ap- 
propriate chiefs who form his cabinet. To the Moslem, 
however, the same government bears another aspect, and 
side by side with this organization that is apparent to the 
Western eye there is another, which to the true Turk takes 
precedence of it. The original Moslem State was distinctly 
theocratic in its nature, and its entire organization was based 
upon the idea that religion was the controlling element in the 
conduct of all affairs, national, municipal and family. Both 
forms, however, centre in the Sultan himself, and under the 
(280) 



THE SUBLIME PORTE. 28 1 

peculiar conditions of his life there has grown up a third 
element, often distinct from and even antagonistic to the 
others — the palace element. Each one of these three play 
an important part in the affairs of the empire. 

The Turkish Government as it stands before the world at 
large is organized like any other government. The Sultan is 
the supreme head; under him is the Council of Ministers, 
called Medjliss-i-Hass. This consists of the following mem- 
bers : the Grand Vizier, the Sheik-ul-Islam, and the Ministers 
of the Interior, of Foreign Affairs, of War, of Finance, of 
Marine, of Commerce, of Public Instruction and of Evkaf, 
together with the President of the Council of State and the 
Grand Master of Artillery. These different departments 
constitute what is known as the Sublime Porte, and are 
carried on in much the same way as the corresponding de- 
partments in this country or in any European country, and 
most of them require no special description. The Grand 
Vizier, as president of the Council, holds much the same 
power as the Premier in England. Theoretically he has the 
power to decide matters in any department on his own judg- 
ment, and his endorsement of an undertaking is almost sure 
to insure its success whether the rest of the Cabinet approve 
it or not. Of the other members there are only three whose 
office needs any special description. These are the Sheik-ul- 
Islam, the Minister of Evkaf and the Minister of Public In- 
struction. 

The Sheik-ul-Islam is popularly supposed to be the head 
of the Moslem religion. This, however, is not true. He is 
merely the representative in this Council of the Moslem Hie- 
rarchy. Theoretically he is nominated by the Sultan with 
the approval of the Ulemas, or general body of Moslem 



282 PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. 

Doctors of Law. Practically he is the choice, as are the 
other members of the Council, of the Grand Vizier, who has 
the privilege usually of making up his own Cabinet, as has 
the English Premier. His membership in the Council is in 
most cases honorary rather than important. Only under rare 
instances does he come into position to exercise any positive 
influence upon affairs. On the occasion of the death of 
Sultan Abdul Aziz, the conspirators applied to the Ulema, 
who made a statement that the Sultan was not fit to govern, 
and as their mouthpiece the Sheik-ul-Islam issued a decree 
oi fetva, which made his deposition lawful. So also when it 
became necessary politically to replace Murad by his brother 
Abdul Hamid, the Sheik-ul-Islam was called upon, and, agree- 
ably to the influences brought to bear, issued the order. 
There have been similar instances at other times, but since the 
reorganization of the empire by Sultan Mahmud II the office 
has been as a rule honorary rather than practical. 

The Minister of Public Instruction is a Cabinet Minister by 
virtue of the peculiar relations existing between the govern- 
ment and the Mosque schools, and the necessity, under a 
despotic government, of watching that nothing shall be taught 
in one school that shall antagonize what is taught in another 
or be in the slightest degree derogatory to the general 
government. The important duty in regard to the schools 
connected with the Mosques, has to do not so much with the 
education itself as with the control of that very large portion 
of the revenues of the country which is applied to their sup- 
port. Another department under the same head is that of 
the censorship. How important a department this is will be 
manifest later on, illustrations of it being given in the chapter 
on the condition of the empire in 1894. The countries 



MOSQUES. 283 

where this department occupies a somewhat parallel position 
are Russia, Austria and Spain, where the censorship is very 
rigid and the oversight by the government of all departments 
of instruction is very complete. 

The Minister of Evkaf has duties entirely unlike those of 
any cabinet minister in European countries. They arise 
from the inevitable mingling of the two characteristics of the 
Turkish Government. The term vakoufis applied to property 
which in one form or another is directed to religious uses and 
generally indicates that belonging to the Mosques. It is 
acquired in two ways ; the property of any man who dies 
intestate reverts under Turkish law not to the State itself, but 
to the nearest Mosque. In addition to this, if any man de- 
sires to secure special divine favor, such as is awarded par- 
ticularly to the charitable, according to Moslem teaching, he 
may transfer during his lifetime or deed after his death any 
portion of his property to any particular Mosque. He, how- 
ever, has the privilege of securing an annuity based upon this 
property to some member of his own family or some one 
whom he desires especially to favor. The result is that a 
very large amount, estimated at from one-third to one-half, 
of the real estate in the Turkish Empire is owned by the 
Mosques in this way ; the income, however, not by any 
means being entirely under the control of the Mosques them. 
selves. It is evident that the direction of this involves a very 
extended organization, and the elevation of it into a depart- 
ment whose head shall be in the Cabinet was perfectly natural. 
It will be easily seen that the style of questions arising in 
such a case is very varied. Where a person wishes to buy 
real estate the first thing he has to do is to find out whether 

it, or any portion of it, is vakouf. If so, he must, in making his 

17 



284 



MILITARY DEPARTMENTS. 



contract, bind himself to pay the regular tax directly to the 
Mosque or to the holder of the annuity. This can be done 
without great difficulty. But in case he should die and the 
property be divided according to law among his heirs, and one 
of those heirs should die, then the portion of that heir goes to 
the Mosque. Various methods have been devised to over- 
come such difficulties. Two are provided for by Turkish law: 
(i) A lump sum may be paid to the Mosque, securing com- 
plete quittal of all claims ; (2) The purchaser may find some 
unencumbered property, and, by payment to its owners of a 
consideration, secure its acceptance by the Mosque in lieu of 
the property that he wishes. 

The military departments of the government are organized 
and officered very much as in other governments. The army 
is divided into the Nizam, or regular army ; the Redif, or 
reserves, and the Mustahfiz, or veterans. Military service is 
compulsory on all able-bodied Mohammedans for six years in 
the regular army, eight years in the reserve, and six in the 
veteran service. There are, however, the following excep- 
tions : (1) All Turks residing in Constantinople and its sub- 
urbs are released; (2) Those who are infirm, are the sole sup- 
port of their families, or for any special reason may claim 
exception, are required to go through from six to nine months' 
drill in the regular battalion in the first year of their service, 
and thirty days' drill at their homes in every subsequent year, 
and are also liable on emergency to be called to join the 
regular army. Non-Moslems are prohibited from entering 
the military service, but instead pay an exemption tax, which 
is levied alike on males of all acres. The effect of this has 
been to create a heavy strain upon the Moslem population 
throughout the empire, while the Christians have found it to 



EFFECTIVE FORCE. 285 

their advantage to pay the tax rather than to endure the con- 
scription. In the apportionment of the troops it has been the 
rule never to allow soldiers to serve in the districts near their 
homes. Thus the troops employed in the garrisons in the 
north are levied from among the Moslems of Syria and Meso- 
potamia, while those accustomed to the snows and high alti- 
tudes of Asia Minor are sent into the heated plains of the 
south. Whatever advantage might result from this separation 
from their homes is more than counterbalanced by the strain 
upon the physical constitution. The total effective force of 
the regular Turkish army in times of peace is estimated at 
about 150,000 men and 9,800 officers, divided into 264 bat- 
talions of infantry, 189 squadrons of cavalry, 104 batteries of 
field artillery, 36 batteries of mountain and 29 battalions of 
garrison artillery, 4 battalions of infantry train, 14 battalions of 
artificers, 3 battalions of fire brigade, 22 companies of engi- 
neers, 2 sanitary companies and 1 telegraph company. The 
total force that it is estimated might be put into the field 
under the present system is said to be about 800,000 men. 
The rank and file is of excellent material. There are no 
better soldiers in the world than the Turks. They are 
faithful, obedient, fearless, and accustomed to the utmost fru- 
gality of life. The same, however, cannot be said of the 
officers. There are brave, efficient men among them ; but 
for the most part they show the same defects as other Turks 
in official position, and their weakness affects very seriously 
the whole army. 

The Turkish navy is the laughing stock of all who know 
anything about it. In numbers it is strong, and probably, if 
it were kept in repair and sufficiently well manned, it might 
be available for warfare. As a matter of fact, its principal use 



286 ABDUL AZIZ' EXTRAVAGANCE. 

for the last few years has been to make annual trips from the 
inner harbor to the Bosporus and back again, in which trips 
it has to pass the two bridges that span the Golden Horn, and 
if it gets through without really damaging the bridges, it is 
matter of public comment and congratulation in the press. 
The present navy owes its origin to the ambition and extrava- 
gance of Sultan Abdul Aziz, who, having found that money was 
to be had in Europe for the asking, paid little attention to the 
conditions of the payment of interest, and borrowed right and 
left for the purpose of building palaces, public works of various 
kinds, and a navy. He had, however, to import engineers and 
officers ; for seamen he relied in some degree upon Dalma- 
tians, but they could not supply the demand, and he fell back 
upon the Turks. The Turks are as poor sailors as most Ori- 
entals, and as a matter of fact the fleet has been and is worth 
next to nothing for offensive or even for defensive purposes. 
The general collapse of the finances of the empire has made 
it difficult to pay the engineers ; the ships have not been well 
cared for, and are practically of no account in estimating the 
strength of the nation. There are 1 5 armor-clad ships of con- 
siderable power, and 42 others, some of them of very little 
value. Its nominal strength is 6 vice-admirals, 1 1 rear admi- 
rals, 208 captains, 704 under officers, 30,000 sailors, and 9,460 
marines. 

The department which at present attracts most attention is 
that of the Interior. For administrative purposes the empire 
is divided into vilayets (provinces), which are subdivided into 
sanjaks or livas (governments or arrondissements), these again 
into kazas (counties), and these into nahies (communes). 
The governors of these divisions are styled Valis, or Walis, 
Mutessarifs, Kaimakams and Mudirs, The first two officers, 




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THE MEDJLISS. 289 

who have the title of Pasha, and the third, are appointed by 
the Council of State at Constantinople, the fourth by the Valis. 
The last is generally some local magistrate ; the others are 
usually from places at some distance from where they hold 
office. Their duties are both judicial and executive, and each 
is practically autocrat within his own jurisdiction, subject only 
to his immediate superior. There is a council connected with 
each of these offices, composed of prominent members of the 
different communities, Moslem and Christian, whose business 
it is to advise the governor in the many details of his office. 
The different communities have a loose organization called the 
medjliss, which meets on occasion to discuss local matters, 
and which is represented in a sort of council associated with 
the governor. The general character of the provincial gov- 
ernment is largely dependent upon the Governor-General, or 
Vali. If he is a man who seeks to deal justly by the 
people, and who has a pretty firm hand, there is order and 
quiet, for the people are usually peaceable. If he is an ava- 
ricious man, that characteristic, always existent to a greater or 
less degree, pervades the whole administration, and the 
shrewdest politicians come out best. If he is easy-going, 
caring more for his comfort, or kef, his subordinates do much 
as they please, and that pleasure is, as a rule, to fleece the 
people to the best of their ability. Occasionally, though it 
must be said rarely, the governor is a man of marked bru- 
tality, and then woe betide any in city or country who for any 
reason incur his hostility. When it is remembered that ap- 
pointments to provincial offices are seldom made with any 
reference to the welfare of the province, but usually as a mat- 
ter of favor to some one who desires to recover wasted for- 
tune, or whom revenge seeks to remove from Constantinople, 



2 GO FINANCE. 

it will be readily seen that the chances are all in favor of poor 
rather than good government Taking into account also the 
fact of the absolute autocracy of the governor, and the utter 
lack of supervision, the wonder is not that the provinces are 
governed so badly, but that they are not governed worse. 

The financial management of the government is probably 
the worst in existence. Properly speaking, Turkey has no 
finance. There are revenues, but no regular way of collect- 
ing them. There are salaries, but no regular way of paying 
them. The result is chaos. From the Sultan down to the 
lowest grade in the public service it is a scramble for money, 
each one getting all he can and giving up as little as possible. 
Many of the revenues are mortgaged to pay the loans con- 
tracted, chiefly during the extravagant reign of Abdul Aziz, 
and are under the absolute control of a commission of 
foreigners. The tithes are farmed out to the highest bidders, 
who have the whole power of the government at their disposal 
to enable them to collect all they can, on the general principle 
of a division of any profits between the collectors and the 
authorities. Tax receipts are repeatedly refused, so that when 
subsequent collectors come they can take advantage of their 
absence to collect back taxes to the very limit of possibility. 
Enumerators for personal taxes make their lists small so as 
to lessen the amount for which they are held responsible, 
while in view of this they levy on the community as high as 
the community will give. Importers try to secure undervalu- 
ation of their goods, land-owners undervaluation of their land, 
peasants hide their grain, and men will often bear imprison- 
ment, and even the severest beating, rather than reveal their 
deposits. 

In case of special need at Constantinople, requisition is 



BRIBERY AND EXTORTION. 



291 



made upon some province for a certain sum. Forthwith all 
the efforts of every member of the administration of that 
province are directed to two things : (1) to lessen if possible 
the amount demanded ; (2) to secure for themselves a portion 
of the money that must be collected. Spies and informers 
abound on every hand, and exceptional harvests, fortunate 
investments, fat legacies, are made the pretexts of all sorts of 
pressure. Salaries are always in arrears for months, and 
sometimes years. The announcement that the treasury is to 
pay a month's salary to the clerks of the departments, or to 
the army and navy, is a matter of public comment and adver- 
tisements in the newspapers. But people must live. Hence 
bribery and extortion rule everywhere. Judges, officials of 
every grade, even heads of departments, rely for their sup- 
port, not upon the government itself, but upon what influence 
they can exert on the lives and fortunes of others, and upon 
appropriating at least a little of what passes through their 
hands. 

The general conduct of the various departments is thus 
inevitably the poorest. There is not the faintest pretense of 
civil service. All appointments go by favor, and, with rare 
exceptions, the amount of work accomplished is lamentably, 
even ludicrously, small. It is absolutely impossible to get 
anything done in any of the departments except by one of 
two means : constant pressure combined with the endorse- 
ment of a superior official, or the most unblushing bribery. 
Fees abound on every hand, and are given openly without 
any apparent idea that there is anything derogatory to the 
officials in taking them. In the Custom House there is a reg- 
ular scale of fees ; so much to the porter who takes things out 
of the lighter; so much to the inspector; so much to the 



292 



CONCESSIONS. 



clerk, and so on from the bottom up. The inevitable result 
is that there is false swearing on every hand, and the dues 
supposed to be received seldom reach intact the treasuries of 
the government. When it comes to the question of securing 
concessions, the matter is still worse. Some ten years ago a 
small book, called "Minor Memoirs of Turkey," was pub- 
lished, full of curious details. Among them was a list of 
bribes received by dignitaries of the Ottoman Government ; 
they included 75,000 Turkish pounds paid by a railway com- 
pany to two secretaries, a chamberlain at the palace, a minis- 
ter in the cabinet, etc. A tobacco monopoly company paid 
1 2,000 pounds to various officials ; the directors of a bank in 
Galata remitted 125,000 pounds as an agent for some enter- 
prise. The court chamberlain received 60,000 pounds from 

Baron , through a certain effendi, for a concession. 

Whether these particular instances are absolutely correct or 
not, makes very little difference. It is perfectly notorious, 
and has been for years, that every concession of any kind 
for public works has to pass the gauntlet of bribes from the 
lowest official at the Sublime Porte to the palace itself. It is 
true that some enterprises are carried through without bribes, 
but they owe their success to personal favor. One who was 
well posted in Turkish Government dealings has said, that 
" strong as Baksheesh Pasha is, Khatir Pasha is still stronger." 
(Khatir is what is done out of courtesy. If a Turk is asked 
to do a thing as a personal favor, it lays a heavier obligation 
upon him than even the presentation of a bribe, if the per- 
sonal relations are at all intimate.) To give in anything like 
full detail a description of the methods adopted in the differ- 
ent departments of the Turkish Government, would require 
several chapters of itself, and would reveal an amount of 



ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 2Q3 

trickery, deception and fraud which would be almost incredible. 
In the administration of justice there is a system of laws 
and of courts based upon the Napoleon code. There is a 
certain amount of regular law practiced. Here, however, 
the Moslem organization comes into such close relation with 
what we may call the European organization, that special 
reference is reserved for a later paragraph. The policing of 
the country is in the hands of the military, although the police 
force is a different organization from that of the regular army. 
The personnel of the different departments is almost en- 
tirely Moslem, except where Turks are simply incapable of 
performing the duties. To Mahmud II must be given the 
credit of recognizing the superior ability of his Christian 
subjects, and of employing them in the various departments 
of the government. His practice was enlarged upon by Sul- 
tans Abdul Medjid and Abdul Aziz. When the present Sultan 
came to the throne, Armenians and Greeks were quite numer- 
ous as clerks in the various departments. Some rose to high 
position and were greatly honored. During the present 
reign, however, the number of these has been steadily dimin- 
ishing, and their places have been taken by Turks. The 
Turk, not being well adapted to bureaucratic work, the gen- 
eral conduct of the empire has suffered proportionately." It 
is to be noted that the diplomatic service of the Turkish Em- 
pire is chiefly in the hands of the Greeks. There are few, if 
any, Armenians. In the local administrative service the 
Armenians outnumber the Greeks. The presence of these 
men in the service is referred to as indicative of the kindly 
feeling of the government for the Christian subjects. This 
does not by any means follow. Their presence is due, not to 
any favor on the part of the Sultan or his ministers, but to 



294 



MOSLEM ORGANIZATION. 



the fact that they are absolutely essential for the efficient con- 
duct of the government. 

Turning now to the Moslem organization, we find that 
originally it was not dissimilar in form to the other. It is 
based, however, upon an entirely different idea. In it the 
Sultan is not an executive, but is the caliph ; primarily the de- 
fender of the faith, and only incidentally the governor of the 
people. He has associated with him the different prefects, 
practically ministers, who are his subordinates, and yet auto- 
crats each in his own department under his general authority. 
So far as relations to foreign governments are concerned, there 
is not so much of difference. In the conduct of home affairs 
the difference is very marked, especially in the Department 
of Justice. There the whole principle of judgment is based 
upon the Moslem law, including both the Koran and the tra- 
ditions. Those traditions recognize as the fundamental prin- 
ciple of law the faith and declaration of belief in the unity of 
God. Every person who denies that is an idolater, and un- 
worthy of position equal to that of the true Moslem. Thus 
no Christian testimony is available in a court of law, and in 
any difference between himself and a Moslem, his interest is 
entirely a secondary matter. The fact that the traditions 
were very inchoate and uncertain left an enormous amount of 
room for all kinds of legal quibbles. So long as the conduct 
of the courts was on this basis pure and simple, the absolute 
subordination of the Christians was very plain. They had no 
rights of any kind, and when, by virtue of a sort of rude jus- 
tice, they occasionally were treated honorably, it was so much 
clear gain. When, however, the new organization was 
brought side by side with the old, and the Napoleon code was 
made of equal importance with the law of the Cheri, then 



AN ILLUSTRATION. 



295 



there was a constant strife as to which should get the better 
of the other, and between the two, even less of justice was 
done than was accomplished by the former, except where there 
were influences at work to compel, through diplomatic pres- 
sure, the granting of just dues. 

An illustration will orive an idea of the situation better than 
any general description. A foreigner purchased a house in 
an interior city of Turkey which had been offered for open 
sale by the government, which had sequestered it in lieu of 
taxes due from its owner, an Armenian. A thorough o-overn- 
ment title was given, and possession seemed absolutely sure. 
After a few years the original owner died, leaving a son who 
had not yet attained his majority. Meanwhile the foreigner 
had improved the property so much that it had doubled, per- 
haps tripled, in value. The son, on coming of age, wanted to 
get back his ancestral property, and applied to the courts, 
claiming that the original seizure by the government was un- 
just, inasmuch as according to the Moslem law the rights of a 
minor could not be prejudiced by the debts of the father. 
The thing was brought before the local cadi, and for a con- 
sideration he decided in favor of the young man, and the for- 
eigner was immediately ordered to leave. There had been 
no opportunity for his case to be presented ; simply the instruc- 
tions came from the courts that he was to withdraw, and a 
platoon of soldiers was sent to enforce the order. Being- a 
foreigner, however, he had the right to refuse entrance to the 
Turkish troops, and the matter was referred to Constanti- 
nople. There it was brought before the regular court, and 
the representatives of the foreigner said, " If the man has been 
defrauded, why, that is not our business. The government 
gave us a good title and took our money; we have improved 



296 



NON-MOSLEM RIGHTS. 



the property. Now, if the house belongs to this young man, 
we shall bring suit against the government for the money 
paid, the interest paid upon that money, and for the value of 
the improvements." They utterly refused to go into the 
question of the original sequestration. This put the govern- 
ment in a difficult position. They were entirely unwilling to 
pay the money, and at the same time there was the decision 
of their courts. So an experienced Moslem jurist was called 
in, and he found that by some other precept of Moslem law 
the minor had lost his rights through not having presented 
his claim on a certain date. The result of the whole thing 
was that the property remained in the hands of the for- 
eigner. 

Two other points deserve special mention : the position of 
Christians in the courts, and the general relation of the gov- 
ernment as a protector. According to the true Moslem posi- 
tion, as stated above, no infidel (and all non-Moslems are 
infidels) has any standing before the law. His word is of no 
value, and his testimony is worthless in comparison with that 
of the true believer. Under the general reforms inaugurated 
by Sultan Mahmud and carried on by his successor, this was 
changed in theory, and, by the Hatti Humayoun, the Christian's 
witness was accepted on a par with that of the Moslem. Had 
the new code been the only one in force, or had it been pos- 
sible to institute courts all over the country, it would have 
been comparatively easy to accomplish the change ; but the 
continuance of the old system throughout the rural districts, 
and in many matters, notably real estate transfers in the 
cities, occasioned great confusion, which worked constantly to 
delay and hamper the development of the Christians. As a 
matter of fact, the local courts throughout the empire, in mat- 



SUPPRESSING CHRISTIANS. 297 

ters affecting Moslems and Christians, have been and still are 
conducted on the general basis of the distinctively Moslem 
law, and not on that of the Napoleon code. 

The same thing is true of the general relations of the Chris- 
tians to the government in all matters regarding his protec- 
tion. The old formula was, " Islam, tribute, or the sword," 
with an at least implied pledge of protection for those who 
accepted the tribute. This was assured to the Christians by 
various edicts, notably the Hatti Humayoun. Yet repeatedly 
it has been manifest that the old Moslem law is practically in 
force, according to which the moment a Christian becomes in 
any way an element of uneasiness in the community, or of hos- 
tility to the government, he may be suppressed. A doctor 
of Moslem law, when questioned on this point, frankly 
acknowledged the truth of the statement, and went on to say 
that even if the Christian had done nothing, he might be in- 
cited to some overt act which would give a pretext for sup- 
pressing him. This fact throws a flood of light on the claim 
of the Turkish Government that it has been suppressing 
rebellion. 

This distinctively Moslem idea is represented in the actual 
government of Turkey in many ways. The Sheik-ul-Islam 
is its formal representative in the cabinet, but it has absolute 
control over the Board of Censors, in the Department of 
Public Instruction, as will be seen in the chapter on the situa- 
tion in 1894. It is also dominant in the Department of Evkaf, 
and practically, though not theoretically so, in the Department 
of Justice. In the interior provinces, however, with rare 
exceptions, it rules everywhere. The exponents are chiefly 
the cadis in the villages and towns, who look with marked 
disfavor on the new-fangled judges who have usurped their 



298 THE PALACE. 

privileges, and who strive by every means to arrest their 
supremacy. In close sympathy with them are the Moslem 
priests, especially the Ulema, or Doctors of Moslem law, the 
Softas, or students of law. All of these are bitterly opposed 
to the introduction of what they consider the infidel code, and 
do not scruple to do all in their power to make it of no effect. 
When their numbers and their wide distribution are taken 
into account, it will be readily seen that while the parapher- 
nalia of the Turkish Government is to all appearances in 
accord with modern and European ideas, there is an influence 
not so visible, but very powerful, which renders it of ex- 
tremely little value in the actual conduct of the affairs of the 
empire. 

No one can live in Constantinople for any length of time, 
least of all have much dealing with the government, without 
learning the meaning of the term, "The Palace." Theoreti- 
cally it means the Sultan, with his environments of police 
officials and attendants ; practically it means in most cases 
those officials themselves, the Sultan being considered apart. 
Those officials include the officers of the palace, the chamber- 
lain, chief eunuch and private secretaries. There is also the 
introducer of ambassadors ; and aside from these there is 
generally a small coterie of men in whom the Sultan has per- 
sonal confidence. They hold no definite official position, but 
live near the palace and are summoned at any time that the 
Sultan desires their counsel. In addition to these there is 
usually a small company of ecclesiastics or of Dervishes, who 
have varying influence with the Sultan. The power of these 
different officials varies greatly at different times, and also as 
one subject or another comes up. Under some previous 
reigns, when the personal comfort of the Sultan was pre- 



GENERAL OSMAN PASHA. 299 

dominant in his plans, the chief eunuch was often practically 
the ruler of the empire. It was said that he had considerable 
influence in the reign of Abdul Aziz. Under the present 
Sultan it is generally understood that he is purely a palace 
official, with no relation to outside matters. The introducer 
of ambassadors is generally a man personally agreeable to the 
Sultan, and who, by virtue of his acquaintance with the different 
representatives of the foreign governments, is able, in quiet, 
unofficial ways, to exert considerable influence. One man 
who has for a long time been quite prominent is the well- 
known General Osman Pasha. His heroic defense of Plevna 
made him quite a hero in Turkish eyes, and his influence in 
many things has been quite noticeable. With regard to the 
Dervishes, it is difficult to speak with any degree of certainty. 
They are men gathered from different parts of the empire, 
who for one reason or another, perhaps personal, perhaps 
due to the locality from which they came, have made them- 
selves agreeable to the Sultan or have made themselves 
useful. In general they represent to him the distinctively 
Moslem feeling of his empire and of the general Moslem 
world. There have been many reports as to their over- 
powering influence, and names have been given of one and 
another who seemed to dominate the Sultan absolutely. 
These reports must be taken with large allowance. While 
undoubtedly they have manifested considerable power on 
different occasions, it may be questioned whether that power 
has been at any time prominent or predominant, whether they 
have not more often been the tools of the Sultan rather 
than his masters. 

One other department should be mentioned, the Council 
of State or Privy Council. This is a large body, made up 



3oo 



THE ULEMA. 



of most of those who have been prominent in public affairs. 
They may have been members of the Cabinet or not. Their 
duties are advisory rather than official. The only one among 
them having a definite position is the president, who is also a 
member of the Porte or Cabinet. In ordinary times they do 
not appear before the public to any great degree. On some 
occasions, however, they form a very influential element in 
the management of affairs. Reference has been also made to 
the Ulema. Of these there is no definite organization. It is 
a general body including the prominent instructors in Moslem 
law connected with the different Mosques. They appear in 
the regular government only in the person of the Sheik-ul- 
Islam, who is a member of the Cabinet or Sublime Porte. 

Dominating all these departments is the Sultan himself. 
His word is law, and no official order of the Porte, the 
Council of State, or connected with the Palace, can stand 
against his personal displeasure. At the same time, as in all 
autocratic governments, he is by no means an absolutely in- 
dependent ruler. He is compelled by force of circumstances 
to recognize the very diverse interests about him ; to realize 
that he must on the one hand keep on good terms with the 
nations of Europe, and not less carefully guard against 
offending those who have a great hold upon his Moslem 
subjects, and who may influence very seriously his position as 
Caliph of the Moslem world. It is thus that the personality 
of the Sultan is, after all, the most important element in the 
Turkish Government. In cases like the Conqueror of Con- 
stantinople, Mahmud II, and others, that influence is positive ; 
in the case of others it is negative, and the positive influence 
has rested with one or another branch of the government. 
Under the present reign the positive influence of the Sultan 



ABDUL HAMID S INDIVIDUALITY. 



30I 



himself is a most important factor, recognized as such by all 
who have come into personal contact with him. And no one 
who has followed the course of his reign can fail to recognize 
the great degree to which Abdul Hamid III has impressed 
his individuality upon the Turkish Government. 



yS 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Protestant Missions in Turkey. 

Early History — Opposition of Ecclesiastics in the Oriental Churches — Attitude of the 
Turkish Government — Work Among Moslems — Development of Education — Societies 
at Work — The American Board — Presbyterian Boards — American and British Bible 
Societies — English Societies — General Statistics — Relations to the Turkish Government 
— Character of the Missionaries. 

NO statement of Turkey is complete without an account 
of the rise and development of Protestant mission 
work. The first effort of this kind in modern times was put 
forth by the British and Foreign Bible Society. Soon after 
its organization in 1804 colporteurs were sent inland from 
Smyrna, and subsequent missionaries found to a considerable 
degree traces of their work. There was also an attempt 
on the part of English societies to reach the country from 
Malta, but there was no organized effort until that of the 
missionaries of the American Board, at that time representing 
the Congregational, Presbyterian and Reformed Churches of 
the United States. In 18 19 two missionaries left Boston ap- 
pointed to work in Palestine. They stopped at Malta and 
conferred with the representatives of the Church Missionary 
and London Missionary Societies of England, and then went 
to Smyrna. It did not" take long for them to realize that there 
was little opportunity for successful work in the vicinity of 
Jerusalem, and they turned their attention to the Oriental 
Churches with which they came in contact. They were joined 
during the following years by a number of others, and aside 
(302) 



ORIENTAL CHURCHES. 3°3 

from Smyrna there were stations occupied at Beirut and at 
Constantinople; this last in 1832. 

Without entering into any detailed account of the occupa- 
tion of the different cities by individual missionaries, a gen- 
eral statement as to their relations to the different races and 
religions and the progress of their influence among them will 
furnish what is most essential for the present purpose. This 
may be done under two heads; the Oriental Churches, and 
Moslems. The work among the Jews has been carried on to 
a limited degree chiefly by Scotch Presbyterians and members 
of the Church of England, but it has not been of such general 
success as to materially affect the empire. Other work has 
entered into the development of the empire in a most 
noticeable degree. 

We take up first work among the Oriental Churches. 
These include the Armenian, Greek, Bulgarian, Jacobite, 
Nestorian, Chaldean and Maronite. For the general state- 
ment of these see a preceding chapter. It is sufficient here 
to speak of the relations that Protestant missions have held 
towards them all. The first missionaries entered upon their 
work with no thought whatever of proselyting. They recog- 
nized the essential Christian character of the churches, and 
their object was to set before them not a new creed or a dif- 
ferent form of church government, but simply a higher con- 
ception of what constituted Christian life. They found almost 
absolute ignorance of the Bible ; complete domination by an 
ignorant and superstitious hierarchy, and a general feeling 
that their church life was so thoroughly identified with national 
life that to leave the church was to leave the nation, and that 
every heretic was also a traitor. Combined with all of these 
was the peculiar civil organization by which the ecclesiastics 



304 HOSTILITIES OF PRIESTS. 

were the practical rulers in every community and were en- 
abled to exercise a pressure, the extent and severity of which 
it is almost impossible for us to understand at this time. 
Excommunication from the church meant far more than ec- 
clesiastical disability; it involved the absolute loss of any civil 
status. An Armenian or a Greek who incurred the hostility 
of his bishop and was placed under the ban had no rights 
that any one was bound to respect. He could neither be 
baptized nor be buried; he could neither marry nor purchase; 
no baker would furnish him with bread and no butcher with 
meat ; no one would employ him and no court recognized his 
existence so as to give him the most ordinary protection. 

The full extent of this situation did not appear at first. 
The early missionaries sought merely to explain the Bible 
doctrine of a purer, truer life dependent upon the atoning 
work of Christ. As always, they met with some who seemed 
to be looking for just such truth, and not a few welcomed 
very gladly the teaching. The moment this became apparent, 
however, the priests began to realize that their power was in 
danger. Undoubtedly in some cases their hostility was per- 
fectly sincere. They really thought that it was dangerous for 
these people to read the Bible for themselves. Fortified by 
the traditions and education of centuries they felt that the 
complete acceptance of certain formulas was absolutely essen- 
tial to eternal life. There were others, however, who feared 
far more the loss of political influence. There was just be- 
ginning to dawn upon Western Asia the light of European 
civilization. Its influence was felt on every hand, as yet very 
vaguely in most cases, but perhaps all the more forcibly. 
The Greeks and Armenians had been trained to look upon 
the Western churches as heretics or at least schismatics. 




CIRCASSIAN OFFICER IN THE SULTAN'S ARMY. After the 
defeat of Schamyl, the famous Circassian leader, multitudes of his people came 
into Turkey and spread over the whole of Asia Minor. They are powerful, fear- 
lass men, and committed widespread depredations among the villages. They are 
bolder than the Kurds and much braver ; are all bigoted Moslems. 



STRIFE OF CHURCHES. 307 

The remembrance of the strife that preceded the final break 
between the Roman Catholic and the Greek Churches has 
been handed down until the bitterness of hostility which rules 
is scarcely conceivable. The predominant feeling was that 
whatever of weakness or of poverty there was, was due en- 
tirely to the tyranny of the Turkish Government which had 
held them in thrall for nearly four centuries. They saw that 
government perceptibly changing. Mahmud II was mani- 
festly recognizing that old-time methods were incompatible 
with the changing situation, and was introducing customs 
which to the traditional Turk savored of revolution if not of 
denial of the faith. 

The ecclesiastics of the Christian churches in a certain dim 
way probably thought that if at this time they could hold their 
own positively, and even aggressively, there would come to 
them a share of the improvement all expected in the future. 
It is therefore from every standpoint scarcely surprising that 
they failed to recognize the true character of the work com- 
menced among them by these representatives of a, to them, 
despised church. The strife that followed was exceedingly 
bitter. On the one hand there was the all-engrossing power 
of the hierarchy, on the other the irresistible force which the 
reception of new ideas in an old established community 
always betrays. Persecution merely fanned the flame of 
eager desire to learn what it was that so aroused the ire of 
the priests, whose power indeed had been recognized, but who, 
in the degenerate condition of the church, had largely lost 
their personal influence over the people. Man after man, 
women even, came, openly at times, usually secretly, to tht. 
homes of missionaries, not themselves with any thought of 
leaving the old church, simply anxious to understand more 



308 excommunication. 

perfectly what they had been taught from childhood. Over 
both, watching with a curious and somewhat nonchalant eye, 
was the Turkish Government. It cared not a straw what par- 
ticular form of worship the " infidel dogs " preferred. On the 
whole its officers were rather pleased at the newly offered 
opportunity for carrying out their traditional policy of ruling 
through the disunion of either their subjects, their allies, or 
their enemies. 

It was not long before matters came to a crisis. The 
priests issued their bulls of excommunication and those thus 
excommunicated naturally came to the missionaries for assist- 
ance. They were indeed in a pitiable condition, some of them 
persons of wealth and education, all of intellectual ability, and 
keenly sensitive to the charges brought against them. Com- 
mon humanity compelled the missionaries to interest them- 
selves in their welfare, and they appealed to the representa- 
tives of the Protestant Powers at Constantinople. They in 
turn carried the matter before the Turkish Government, and 
the Turkish Government in its semi-lordly, semi-contemptu- 
ous way, reached out a hand of protection to the unfortunate 
objects of ecclesiastical persecution. They granted a quasi- 
civil organization to these Evangelical or Protestant Arme- 
nians, as they were called, and recognized them as a distinct 
body, notwithstanding the bitter opposition of the Armenian 
and Greek Patriarchs. They, however took care not to give 
this new body so much of power, or rather so much of pres- 
tige, as to materially affect the standing of the older commu- 
nities. They used it as a foil to ward off dangers which they 
conceived might come rather than as a means of doing justice 
to a portion of their subjects. One instance will furnish an 
illustration of the situation. One of the honored members of 



ECCLESIASTICAL PRIDE. 309 

the Evangelical community died. The question arose where 
he should be buried. To bury him in the regular Armenian 
burying-ground, consecrated by the bishops, was out of the 
question. The Turkish Government granted a separate plot, 
but the Armenians were bound that he should not be buried 
at all. Every effort was made to preserve secrecy. The 
time of the service became known and a great mob collected. 
The Turkish Government was appealed to and the military 
was drawn out. And this simple Evangelical Armenian was 
buried amid a pomp of military display and a manifestation 
of racial and ecclesiastical hatred which was a fit symbol of 
the conflict that was to signalize the whole century. 

If special description is given of the work among the Ar- 
menians, it is merely because they attracted the most of public 
attention. There were missionaries who sought to reach the 
Greeks, but their efforts met with very little of success. Their 
national and ecclesiastical pride was too strong, and their 
nearer relations to Western life made the new teaching appear 
less attractive than to those to whom it was in great decree 
a revelation. In Syria also a work had been commenced, 
chiefly among the Maronites of Mount Lebanon, and carried 
to a great degree of success, so also among the Nestorians 
and Jacobites of Eastern Turkey and the mountains along the 
Persian border. It was among the Armenians, however, that 
the greatest efforts were put forth and the greatest success 
achieved. The general methods of work were the same with 
all and whatever was done for one race was done with vary- 
ing degrees of success for all the, Christian peoples of the 
empire. 

Of work among the Moslems there has been very little. 
Various attempts have been made to reach them with special 



3IO MISSION INFLUENCES. 

work, but aside from the experiments of the Reformed Church 
in America at Busrah and the Free Church of Scotland at 
Sheikh Othman in Arabia, all have failed. There have beei> 
several converts from Mohammedanism in different parts of 
the empire, especially in Egypt, but no general movement 
Large numbers of Bibles in Turkish and Arabic are bought 
by Moslems and it is evident that there are a number 
who would accept Christianity, but for the fact that the 
penalty is absolute loss of property, if not of life. So long 
as the Turkish Government holds absolute power it cannot 
be expected that much impression will be made on the Moslem 
population. 

Within twenty-five years after the establishment of the 
work at Constantinople, the mission influences had spread 
throughout the empire. There were missionaries at Trebi- 
zond, Erzrum, Diabekir, Aintab, Brusa and Sivas. There 
were also smaller communities in the different villages within 
reach of these central stations and the Evangelicals or Protes- 
tant Armenians had come to be recognized on every hand as 
a power in the land. With the practical victory of Turkey 
and her allies over Russia and the promulgation of the treaty 
of Paris referred to above, there came increasing demand 
upon the Christian powers for recognition and protection of 
those who accepted the Evangelical ideas and forms. The 
Hatti Humayoun was issued, the charter of religious liberty. 
With this commenced in a certain sense a new phase of 
missionary work. Hitherto it had been almost entirely 
evangelistic. The effort had been to reach the consciences of 
the people and set before them the Gospel demand for a pure 
and true life. There was comparatively little of general educa- 
tion. With the growth, however, of the communities and the 



EDUCATION ESSENTIAL. 3H 

recognition of the fact that a community life was before them 
such as had neither been expected nor planned, it became 
evident to all that emphasis must be placed upon those same 
principles of community development which had done so much 
for England and America. It was not sufficient to put the 
Bible into men's hands nor to develop within them the idea 
of their relation to God. They must learn to interpret the 
Bible and apply it to their daily life ; must learn the princi- 
ples that governed social and civil organizations. Hence ed- 
ucation in its broader sense became essential. 

Education in the primary sense had always been carried on 
by the missionaries. A certain amount was needed in order 
to enable the people to read, for there was widespread igno- 
rance in that respect. It was essential in some degree for 
those who were under training to be the spiritual guides of 
their people. Now it became evident that something more 
was necessary. At first there was considerable difference of 
opinion. Many of the missionaries themselves felt that they 
were simply heralds of spiritual truth. They could not admit 
that they had anything to do with secular education. Others 
realized that secular education has a fundamentally important 
place in the development of national life ; that it is essential 
that that should be under religious influence if the general 
life is to be in accord with true religious development. More- 
over the demand for this was increasing Youne men of in- 
tellectual attainments sought instruction. They found opening 
before them a constantly widening sphere of thought and of 
investigation which they must enter. They would rather 
enter it under the lead of Christian thought, but enter it they 
would, and if the missionaries refused their counsel they would 
go to what were then almost purely infidel schools in Europe. 



3*2 



CHRISTIAN COLLEGES. 



Thus there was started, in minor form at first, afterwards more 
fully developed, a system of education that has grown until, 
taking into consideration the obstacles and perplexities at- 
tending it, it is surpassed in its widespread and high influence 
by no educational system even in far more favored lands. 

As in regard to the spread of the Evangelistic work, so 
here it is not the purpose to describe in detail the growth of 
this school system. It is sufficient to say that five years later, 
in 1 86 1, Robert College was started on the shores of the 
Bosporus by one who had been from the very beginning an 
earnest supporter of the idea that evangelism and education 
must go hand in hand if there is to be any Christian national 
life. He had had experience in the work of training preach- 
ers, and he realized that preachers need preparatory instruc- 
tion. The story of the years during which he battled the in- 
fluence of Armenian and Greek priests, of Papal representa- 
tives, and even of French and Russian ambassadors, is one 
of the most interesting on record. Robert College was fol- 
lowed within two years by the Syrian Protestant College of 
Beirut. Then commenced the development of the primary, 
intermediate and higher schools that had already been formed 
throughout the empire into larger institutions, until there are 
to-day in the Turkish Empire seven colleges all under Chris- 
tian influence, though not all directly connected with mission- 
ary enterprise. There are also hospitals, orphanages and a 
variety of institutions which owe their inception to the influ- 
ence of the missions, even in cases where they are entirely 
under native control. 

A general survey of missions in the Turkish Empire at the 
present time shows that there are the following societies at 
work : 



MISSIONARY SOCIETIES. 313 

From this country there are the American Board, represent- 
ing the Congregational Churches; the Boards of Missions of 
the Presbyterian Church (North), the United Presbyterian 
Church, the Reformed Presbyterian Church (Covenanter), 
and the Reformed (Dutch) Church; the Foreign Christian 
Missionary Society of the Disciples of Christ ; the American 
Bible Society, and several independent workers connected 
with other organizations. There are also a number of English 
societies; the Church Missionary Society, the Presbyterian 
Board of Ireland, the Free and Established Churches of Scot- 
land, the British and Foreign Bible Society, and several socie- 
ties for special work among the Jews. The Missionary Society 
of the Methodist Episcopal Church has work in Bulgaria, 
which, however, hardly comes under review as a part of the 
Turkish Empire. 

Of all these the largest work is that done by the American 
Board. It covers the whole of Asia Minor and Eastern 
Turkey together with Macedonia and a portion of Bulgaria. 
The latest statistics show that there are 176 American mis- 
sionaries, including 56 ordained ministers and 68 unmarried 
women, most of them engaged in teaching. There are also 
869 native laborers, including 100 ordained ministers and 128 
other preachers, the remainder being chiefly teachers. They 
occupy 19 principal stations and have work in 306 important 
out-stations. (The term out-station is given to a town or city 
where there are preaching services and educational work and 
sometimes a missionary resident, but not the full organization 
of a mission station.) These are all divided into four mis- 
sions, called: The European Turkey Mission, covering Mace- 
donia and Bulgaria; the Western Turkey Mission, covering 
Western Asia Minor; the Eastern Turkey Mission, covering 



314 MISSIONARY STATIONS. 

Eastern Turkey; and the Central Turkey Mission, covering 
Northern Syria south of the Taurus Mountains. Constantino- 
ple is the general headquarters for all four missions, and has 
a large staff of missionaries engaged in the general conduct 
of the work, the preparation of literature and evangelistic 
work to a limited degree. The important stations aside from 
this are as follows : In the European Turkey Mission, Sama- 
kov and Philippopolis in Bulgaria, and Salonica and Monastir 
in Macedonia ; Western Turkey Mission : Brusa, Smyrna, 
Marsovan, Cesarea, Sivas and Trebizond, this last being asso- 
ciated with this mission because of easy access by sea; Eastern 
Turkey Mission: Erzrum, Harput, Bitlis, Van and Mardin; 
Central Turkey Mission : Aintab, Marash, Adana and Hajin. 
Aside from these there are many important cities occupied, 
such as Nicomedia, on the gulf of that name; Angora, Yuzgat, 
Amasia, Tokat, in Western Turkey; Arabkir, Malatia, Palu, 
Diarbekir, in Eastern Turkey; Urfa, Birejik, Albistan and 
Tarsus, in Central Turkey. The city of Aleppo, just south 
of Aintab, has been occupied at times by the American Board, 
but the language being Arabic, association with the work at 
Aintab has been somewhat difficult, and hence it has not been 
developed. 

In all of this great field the chief work has been carried on 
in Europe among the Bulgarians, and in Asia among the 
Armenians, though from the city of Mardin considerable 
work has been done among the Jacobites of Northern 
Mesopotamia. The result of this work is seen in the follow- 
ing statements : 

In European Turkey the number of places for stated 
preaching is 42 ; the average congregations number 2,278 ; 
the number of organized churches is 1 4, and of church members 



CHURCHES AND SCHOOLS. 



315 



952, while 2,713 are ordinarily classed as belonging to the 
Evangelical community. There is one theological school with 
8 students ; one training school for boys with 65 students ; 
two boarding schools for girls with 92 pupils, while there are 
17 common schools with 450 pupils. In this field the Bul- 
garian Government has established an excellent system of 
schools, so that the missionaries have not been compelled to 
do as much work in that line. There are also a laro-e 
number of Bulgarian students in Robert College at Constanti- 
nople. In Western Turkey the result of these years shows 
122 places for stated preaching, with average congregations 
of 10,336; 35 organized churches with a membership of 
3,604 and a Protestant community numbering over 14,000. 
There is a theological seminary with 6 pupils ; schools for 
higher education with 528 boys and 686 girls, while there are 
122 common schools with a membership of 5,027. These 
figures do not include Robert College at Constantinople, 
which is on an entirely independent basis, and has a staff of 
21 professors and instructors and about 200 students. They 
do, however, include the American College for Girls in Con- 
stantinople with its 23 teachers and 161 pupils. In Eastern 
Turkey there are 1 1 1 places for stated preaching, with 
average congregations of 1 1,639 > 4 2 churches with a member- 
ship of 3,107 and a Protestant community of nearly 17,000. 
The two theological classes have been seriously broken up 
by the disturbances, but only a short time ago had 1 1 mem- 
bers. There are 364 boys and 220 girls in schools for higher 
education, and 6,232 pupils in the 130 common schools. In 
Central Turkey there are 52 places for stated preaching with 
an average congregation of over 10,000; 34 churches with a 
membership of 5,124, a Protestant community of 15,374, a 



316 



LITERATURE. 



theological class of 9 students, and the pupils in the schools 
for higher education number 321 boys and 300 girls ; while 
in the 98 common schools there are 4,326 pupils. These 
statistics, however, give but a very partial conception of the 
work done. As has already been intimated, the schools 
established by the missionaries have been in many cases 
duplicated by the Gregorian Armenians themselves, and the 
influences that have gone forth from these preaching places 
have been most effective in raising the general tone of com- 
munity life throughout the empire. In many places the 
preaching in the Gregorian churches is of a most thoroughly 
evangelical type. There are Bible classes formed in many 
places and the general spiritual as well as moral effect of the 
mission work is by no means to be gauged by the figures of 
statistics. 

One of the most important branches of work carried on by 
the American Board is that of furnishing literature for the 
people. There are conducted in Constantinople four week- 
lies and four monthlies, in the Bulgarian, Armenian and 
Turkish languages, there being two Turkish papers, one 
printed in Armenian characters for those Armenians who use 
chiefly the Turkish language, and one in Greek characters 
for the Greeks who also use the Turkish lano-uao-e. Aside 
from these there are school books and books of general 
character, predominantly religious, though also scientific and 
literary, issued by the committee of the mission from the 
Bible House in Constantinople. There is also not a little 
medical work carried on. There are medical missionaries in 
several of the interior stations, especially Cesarea, Van and 
Mardin. The fact that a large number of Armenians have 
studied medicine in this country and have returned has 



PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH MISSION. 317 

lessened the demand for American medical missionaries. At 
Aintab there is a hospital under the care of Americans con- 
nected with the Aintab College, but not under the immediate 
control of the mission. 

The Board of Missions of the Presbyterian Church (North) 
occupies Syria and Mesopotamia. In Syria there are 14 or- 
dained missionaries, 2 medical missionaries, including one 
woman, and 9 unmarried lady missionaries, making the total 
American force 39. There are 6 native pastors, 26 organized 
churches with a membership of 2,048. In the Syrian 
Protestant College at Beirut, which is in harmony with, though 
not under the direct control of the mission, there are 266 
pupils; there are also boarding schools for boys with 213 
pupils and for girls with 270 pupils ; 8 high schools with 478 
pupils, and 130 common schools with 6,387 pupils. The 
stations occupied are Beirut, Abieh on Mount Lebanon, 
Tripoli and Sidon on the seacoast, and Zahleh on the eastern 
coast of Mount Lebanon. The work of this mission has been 
chiefly among the Maronites, though to some degree among 
the other races. The influence of the mission, however, is by 
no means to be measured by its size. It was here in Beirut 
that the Arabic version of the Scriptures was prepared, the 
foundation being laid by Dr. Eli Smith, and the completion 
being under the guidance of Dr. C. V. A. Van Dyck, both 
men famous as among the finest orientalists in the world. 
The version prepared by them is unsurpassed by versions of 
the Bible anywhere, and has perhaps the widest use of any 
except the English. It is in the vernacular not only of Syria 
and Arabia, but of Northern and Central Africa ; is used with 
facility in India, China and Malaysia, and everywhere where 
the Arabic language has spread. Its influence for good can- 



318 UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH MISSION. 

not be measured. The same should be said of the college, 
with its medical as well as academical department. Its 
graduates are found all over the East. 

The Mesopotamia mission of this Board has its head- 
quarters at Mosul. This was formerly occupied by the 
American Board, but because of its close connection with the 
Western Persia mission of the Presbyterian Board it was 
passed over to that Board. The work is chiefly among the 
Nestorians of the mountains and to a degree among the 
Jacobites and Chaldeans of the city itself. It has schools for 
boys and girls fully attended in the city itself, and Syriac 
village schools in the field. During the past year (1895), 
owing to the disturbance in the mountains, there has been 
much difficulty in securing full attendance. 

The mission of the United Presbyterian Board of this 
country is located in Egypt and shows a very marked degree 
of success. The principal stations occupied are Alexandria, 
Cairo, Mansurieh, Fayum and Osiut. At the latter place 
there is a large and successful college with a department for 
girls. The work of the mission is among the Copts, though, 
there has been something accomplished among the Moslems. 

The mission of the Reformed Presbyterian (Covenanter) 
Church is located in Northern Syria and occupies the stations 
of Latakia and Mersine. There are six missionaries in the 
different stations, including two physicians. Their work is 
chiefly educational among the Nusairyieh, the evangelistic 
work among that class of people being extremely difficult. 

The Board of Missions of the Reformed (Dutch) Church is 
carrying on an interesting work in Arabia. It was started as 
an independent enterprise, but more lately has been taken up 
by the Board. Its headquarters are at Busrah on the Persian 



AMERICAN BIBLE SOCIETY. 319 

Gulf, but it extends all along the coast, working solely among 
the Arabs, The mission staff is still very small, and the es- 
tablishment of schools has not yet been effected. 

The Disciples of Christ have a few missionaries, all 
Armenians who have become naturalized Americans, in Con- 
stantinople and vicinity, and at some stations in the interior. 
The same is true of some Baptist work carried on chiefly by 
the same class of workers and supported by independent or- 
ganizations in this country. 

The work of the American Bible Society covers the whole 
empire. There are two agents resident in Constantinople 
with sub-agents in Beirut and Alexandria. A large staff of 
colporteurs is employed, numbering during the past year over 
100, some of them directly under the control of the agency, 
others under the supervision of missions and assisted by the 
agency. The agency does most of its own publishing, includ- 
ing printing and binding, in the Bible House at Constanti- 
nople and at the mission press of the Presbyterian Board in 
Beirut. The languages are : Turkish in the Arabic, Armenian 
and Greek characters ; Armenian both ancient and modern, 
Bulgarian, Kurdish and Arabic. It also purchases Scriptures 
in other languages from the British and Foreign Bible So- 
ciety, which has an agency also in the same places. The 
total distributions during the year 1894 from the depots at 
Constantinople and Beirut, were 52,895 in 32 different lan- 
guages and dialects, including most of the European as 
well as the different Oriental languages. Of this total 8,674 
were Bibles, 13,826 New Testaments and 30,395 were por- 
tions. By the direct agency of the society through the col- 
porteurs and in their depots, the total distribution was 31,678, 
while 21,107 were through correspondents, the largest number 
19 



320 ENGLISH AND SCOTCH MISSIONS, 

being in Egypt, 14,258. It is interesting to note that of the 
sales from the Syrian depot 6 Bibles went to Zanzibar on the 
west coast of Africa, and 51 Bibles and 500 Testaments to 
Tangiers in Africa. The total issues for $7 years amounted 
to 1,376,798, and of the distribution for the past year it is 
estimated that 12,000 at least went to non-Christian national- 
ities. 

Of the English societies, the Church Missionary Society of 
England occupies a few stations in Syria and Palestine, the 
principal ones being Jerusalem, Jaffa, Gaza and Nablus. 
There are also a number of out-stations. The missionaries 
number 1 1 ordained clergy, 4 lay workers and 20 women. 
The native clergy number 9 ordained and 71 lay workers. 
The total number of communicants is about 500. There are 
also 42 schools; seminaries with 1,752 students. Medical 
work is carried on to a considerable extent, there being 284 
in-patients and 32,810 out-patients under the care of the 
physicians. The work is among Jews and also among the 
Maronites. There is more work accomplished by this society 
than by others among the Moslems. 

The Scotch missions have stations at Constantinople, 
Smyrna and different points in Syria and Palestine. Their 
work is chiefly educational and almost entirely confined to the 
Jews. There are some very fine schools in Syria carried on 
under different organizations, English and Scotch, intended 
primarily for the education of girls. They have accomplished 
an excellent work. 

The British and Foreign Bible Society conducts its work 
on much the same general plan as the American Bible So- 
ciety, but confines its efforts more to the coast. Its chief 
work is in Bulgaria, among the Greek islands and along the 



MISSIONARY INFLUENCE. 321 

Aegean coast of Asia Minor. It has also agencies in Syria 
and Egypt. Arrangements are made between the two Bible 
societies so that they shall not crowd or interfere with each 
other. The Turkish agency reports a circulation of 31,548; 
the Egypt agency of 15,191 ; Syria and Palestine 4,741, making 
a total of 51,480, which with the circulation of the American 
Bible Society makes a grand total of about 104,000 copies. 

This survey of missions in the Turkish Empire is neces- 
sarily very meagre. To go into it in full would require far 
more space than can be given. If fuller details are given 
with regard to the American Board it is simply because that 
Board occupies the territory which is more especially under 
notice at this time. 

The question is frequently asked, What are the relations 
between the missionaries and the Turkish Government? 
Repeatedly the statement is made by that government that 
the influence of the missionaries is antagonistic, disturbing, 
and that they are the enemies of the present rule. This is 
in no sense true. American missionaries have invariably 
ranked themselves on the side of law. They have taken the 
position that the Turkish Government is the government of 
the land and its laws must be obeyed. If those laws are op- 
pressive they will do their best to secure a change, but so 
long as the law is law it must be obeyed. In all the various 
attempts to stir up revolutionary feelings among the people, 
they have opposed with all their influence such movements. 
It is undoubtedly the fact that the general result of their in- 
struction by stirring intellectual development, has been to 
make men restive under oppression. Undoubtedly their 
preaching has created an intense desire for true religious lib- 
erty. Undoubtedly they have brought light into the empire, 



322 



CHARACTER OF MISSIONARIES. 



and light is always a disturbing element where there is cor- 
ruption ; it creates fermentation, and such fermentation as is 
not pleasant to oppressors. As has already been indicated, 
they have found some of their most bitter opponents among 
the clergy of the Christian Churches, even more bitter, than 
the Turkish rulers themselves. But as the better class of 
that clergy have come to recognize the value of their instruc- 
tion and their preaching, so the better class of Turkish of- 
ficials have realized that there are no more loyal subjects, no 
more honest citizens than those who are under the guidance 
of the American missionaries. Wherever their course has 
been objected to their objectors have been men who sought 
to cover up their evil deeds and hide from the world the 
story of their outrageous conduct. 

Individually there is no question but that the missionaries 
represent the very highest grade of ability and personal 
character. The record of their achievements in literature, in 
research, in education, is not surpassed by that of any other 
class of men or women in the world. Ambassadors, and travelers 
of high character, who have come among them, have uniformly 
borne testimony to their nobility, and the high position that 
they deservedly hold in the world. Not infrequently the 
diplomatic representatives of this country and England have 
come to their post at Constantinople with the feeling that 
these missionaries were a set of honest fanatics, well inten- 
tioned, but incapable of judging accurately and wisely as to 
the work which they were to do. In not one single case has 
any such man returned from his post, without putting on record 
his hipfh estimate of these men and women. Whether it be 
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord Dufferin or Sir Philip Currie 
from England, Admiral Porter, General Williams, E. Joy 



MISREPRESENTATIONS. 323 

Morris, Gen. Lew. Wallace or Oscar Straus, from America, 
their testimony has been one of unvarying praise for the 
conduct of the mission work, and those who have had longest 
experience have been slow to condemn, even where their judg- 
ment could not coincide with that of the missionaries. Such 
remarks as have been made by occasional travelers, who have 
seen only the outskirts of mission work, to the effect that they 
are a "bad lot ; " that they are well meaning, but ignorant en- 
thusiasts, have simply served to rank those who uttered them 
with the class of people who talk about what they know noth- 
ing of. The words of Sir Philip Currie, uttered in private 
conversation in connection with the recent events in Turkey, 
will stand as a perpetual refutal of any such charges. He said : 
"The one bright spot in all the darkness that has covered 
Asiatic Turkey, has been the heroism, the prudence and the 
common-sense of the American missionaries." 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

The Armenian Question. 

A Progressive Grand Vizier — Victory of the Reactionary Party — Egypt and the Mahdi — 
Rise of the Armenian Question — Russian Intrigue — Articles of the Berlin Treaty — 
Autonomy Desired — The Huntchagist Committee — Placards in Asia Minor — Burning of 
American Building at Maisovan — Numerous Arrests — Armenians Exiled — Coercive 
Measures of the Government — American Citizens — Threats — Huntchagists Disowned by 
the Nation — Young Turkey Party — Absolute Failure of the Huntchagist Movement. 

THE close of the Russo-Turkish war and the Treaty of 
Berlin left Abd-ul-Hamid II with the task before him of 
building up an empire which had almost fallen to pieces. On 
the one hand he was faced by the demands made upon him 
by England ; he was under obligations to make special re- 
forms in Asia Minor, also in Macedonia, Thessaly and Epirus, 
besides granting a liberal form of administration to Crete. 
On the other hand he was faced by an internal condition 
which was enough to daunt the bravest man. The financial 
condition of the empire was in a state of collapse ; in fact 
there were no finances of any sort. The regular expendi- 
tures more than doubled the regular income ; the currency 
was in a hopelessly disorganized condition ; gold, silver, 
copper and paper were in circulation. The silver, however, 
had several different values. There were alloys of silver and 
copper of varying degrees of purity, each with its own value ; 
(3 2 4) 



AN HONEST VIZIER. 325 

the paper currency also was never worth the same two days 
in succession. The whole business of the empire was dis- 
organized. Various attempts, some of them honest, some 
thoroughly dishonest, almost all ludicrous, were made to 
bring order out of chaos. The Sultan entered upon his task 
with unquestionably a sincere desire for the welfare of his 
country, as is shown by his choice, within six months after the 
signing of the treaty of Berlin, of a Grand Vizier who had 
never been identified with Constantinople intrigue. Haired- 
din Pasha, a Circassian by birth, had had some years of ex- 
perience in the control of matters in Tunis. He was known 
as a man of education, strictly honest and with a sense of 
duty very rarely to be found in the East. He was a thorough 
Moslem, believing heart and soul in the Mohammedan faith ; 
believing also that it was thoroughly adaptable to all needs 
of civilization, and that it could be made equal in beneficent 
results to Christianity as set forth in the life of Europe. His 
access to power was looked upon as a good omen. On every 
hand the people expected him to restore in Turkey all the 
ancient usages of Islam. He found a task before him which 
demanded all his energies. He found officials in power in 
the provinces who, when ordered to report the number of 
able-bodied Moslems in their districts and draw rifles for dis- 
tribution among them to check a revolt, added 10 or 20 per 
cent, to the actual number, drew the arms and then sold 
those not required for the Turks to the Christians. Others 
manifested the most atrocious lack of fidelity to their duty or 
of common sense in the conduct of their office. But this 
was not all ; in the Porte itself the management was sincerely 
opposed to all real reform. The very clerks managed by all 
sorts of devices to misrepresent the orders that were given, 



326 



TROUBLE IN EGYPT. 



or to so tamper with the despatches that they were made of 
no avail. Orders to provincial governors sent out from the 
Palace frequently set aside previous orders of the ministry ; 
the intrigues of the Palace clique permeated every depart- 
ment of the public service and the attendants upon the Sul- 
tan succeeded in blinding him constantly to the real situation. 
The first thing that Haireddin Pasha did was to send away 
from Constantinople to different interior provinces nearly all 
the pashas who had previously held the office of grand vizier. 
This, of course, made them all his enemies and the result was 
that he found himself involved in a struggle for his very 
existence. More than this, he made it manifest that his idea 
of justice included the Christians just as much as the Moslems, 
and that Moslem oppression of Christian subjects met with 
no favor at his hands. All these elements, combined with 
the financial stress, for which in the popular mind he was 
held responsible, helped on the struggle. At last he pre- 
sented an ultimatum to the Sultan, in which he demanded his 
freedom, within the limits of responsibility, from the inter- 
ference of the clerks and from intervention in the appoint- 
ment of officials. The Sultan hesitated for some time, but at 
last refused to give this on the ground of its being a limita- 
tion of his royal prerogatives. Haireddin Pasha resigned, 
and his place was taken by the very men whom he had sent 
away. 

Immediately following on this experience came the trouble 
in Egypt. Mehemet Ali had been followed by Abbas, a 
brutal voluptuary, and he by Ismail, a man of great ability, 
but of no conscience, who had pushed the country forward in 
some respects, but had so enslaved it by his personal extor- 
tion as almost to ruin it. Ismail was deposed by the de- 



ARABI PASHA. 



327 



mands of the European Powers interested in the conduct of 
the Suez Canal and the securing of the bonds that had been 
placed there, and was followed by Tewfik, a good-natured, 
well-disposed, but weak man, incompetent to meet the diffi- 
culties that encompassed him on every hand. Here again 
the financial question came to the front. The interest on the 
bonds must be paid whether the army officials were paid 
or not. Thus arose the demand for the national party and 
the revolt headed by Arabi Pasha, which resulted in the bom- 
bardment of Alexandria, the war in lower Egypt and the 
military occupation of the country by Great Britain. An- 
other important element in this was the desire of the Sultan 
to regain his hold upon the country. By the firman given to 
Mehemet Ali, the Sultan was really no more than suzerain. 
He felt that this was derogatory to his honor and wished to 
reduce the Khedive to the position of Vali. The whole story 
of English, French and Turkish diplomacy here is beyond the 
limits as well as the scope of this book. It is sufficient to say 
that it furnished an additional influence in determining the 
policy of the following years, carried out by Abd-ul-Hamid II. 
Immediately consequent on the trouble in Egypt itself came 
the rise of the Mahdi in the Sudan. References have 
already been made to the peculiar jealousy on the part of the 
Arabs as to the position held by the Sultans as caliphs of the 
Moslem world. That existed to a considerable decree not 
merely in Arabia, but throughout Africa. It was assisted by 
the terrible oppression of the Egyptian Government under the 
Khedive Ismail. All through upper Egypt, and especially in 
the Sudan, there was the bitterest feeling, and when in 1880 
a certain Mohammed Ahmet, a boat-builder of Dongola and 
belonging to the Sennussi tribe, proclaimed himself as the 



328 THE MAHDI. 

Mahdi, he almost immediately secured quite a following. 
The Mahdi, or last high priest, or Imam, of the family of Ali, 
according to Moslem tradition, entered a cave and hencefor- 
ward disappeared from the world. The Shiite Moslems be- 
lieve that he still exists, and look forward to his issuing from 
it again in pomp to rule the world. The Sunnites believe 
that he will appear only at the end of the world, when 
he will convert all mankind to Islam and reien as vicar of 
Jesus Christ. This boat-builder rapidly won veneration from 
the Arabs of his section by the learning he had acquired in 
the schools at Khartum and Berber, and his apparent piety. 
He also manifested considerable ability and gathered a large 
force of Arabs, making considerable advance, notwithstanding 
the fact that the Sherif of Mecca branded him as an impostor 
and the ecclesiastical Ottoman world refused to believe that 
he had any claim worthy of recognition. He set forth to 
conquer Egypt, defeated four expeditions sent against him by 
the Egyptian Government, annihilated the Egyptian army, com- 
posed of 10,000 soldiers, with 40 European officers, and cap- 
tured Khartum, killing General Gordon Pasha, the famous 
English leader. Further than this, however, his power could 
not go, and English troops kept him within the region of his 
own Sudan. 

Insignificant in a certain way in itself, this Mahdi move- 
ment exerted considerable influence throughout the empire. 
It assisted to focus attention upon the distinctively Moslem 
character of the Ottoman Government and furnished quite a 
factor in the decision which became manifest ere long on 
the part of the Sultan to conduct his empire on different 
bases from those accepted by his father, Abd-ul-Medjid, or his 
grandfather, Mahmud II. In truth the Sultan seemed shut up 



REACTION. 



329 



to one of two courses. He must either enter with his whole 
soul into the line marked out by Haireddin Pasha, or he must 
identify himself still more closely with the distinctively Moslem 
element in his empire. He found himself unable, even if he 
had been desirous, to do the former, and undoubtedly seemed 
to himself to be shut up to the latter. His principle, there- 
fore, of government, as made manifest by the subsequent 
history of his reign and illustrated very fully in a later chap- 
ter, was to satisfy the Moslem element in his empire, whether 
the Christian element was satisfied or not. Accordingly he 
commenced a systematic course of developing the Moslem 
power and prestige at the expense of the Christians. Little 
by little he replaced Christians by Moslems in the administra- 
tive offices of the government ; he indorsed increasingly re- 
strictive laws, by which the Christian communities were 
deprived of very much of the advance that had been made 
manifest during the three preceding reigns. At first this 
policy was not altogether apparent, and it is possible that it 
was not definitely decided upon. Those who know the 
Turkish Empire, know how many things goby default; how 
one movement leads to another, and the result is a situation 
not recognized and not planned for at the beginning, but 
which becomes, as a matter of fact, a settled, definite policy. 
In this it is not necessary to suppose that the Sultan himself 
laid down the definite rules. Unquestionably a large part of 
it was due to the same influences that deposed Haireddin, the 
local officials both in Constantinople and the provinces. 
That this was true was evident in many ways. Decisions 
would be secured from the officers of the Porte, orders would 
be sent to the provinces with regard to various matters, and 
the reply would come after awhile that the orders had not 



330 THE ARMENIAN QUESTION. 

been carried out, and investigation would make manifest the 
fact that at the same time that these orders had been given, 
counter orders had been sent to the same official in a private 
way, absolutely annulling the general orders. The situation 
thus became increasingly difficult, when, after ten years or so, 
the Armenian question began to assume special prominence. 
The Armenian question, as such, began with the treaty of 
Berlin. Previous to that there had been other questions : the 
Greek question, the Bulgarian question — the former resulting 
in the independence of Greece, and the latter in the independ- 
ence of Bulgaria. Throughout Asiatic Turkey there had 
been no distinctive question of any sort ; Armenians, Greeks, 
Jacobites, all had suffered alike under the general oppression. 
With the treaty of Paris, however, there began an increasing 
manifestation of the power of Russia in the protection of 
Greeks throughout the empire. The Armenians had had no 
special patron, but as they increased in wealth and in general 
prosperity, and also in education, learning more of their 
ancient history, it was natural that there should develop among, 
them the idea of a renewed national life. The growth of this 
has already been described in general in the chapter on the 
Armenians ; so also reference has been made to the various 
influences that were at work in forming this national move- 
ment. Here we dwell more especially upon the political side 
of that movement. Those who have followed the very brief 
summary that has been given in the preceding chapters of the 
political intrigues and influences, operating throughout the 
eighteenth and early part of the nineteenth centuries, will see 
how constant was the influence of Russia, exercised first 
among the Greeks on the shores of the Mediterranean, then 
in the various Danubian Provinces and finally in Bulgaria ; 



RUSSIAN INFLUENCE. 



33* 



always they had for their purpose the stirring of hostility be- 
tween Turks and Christians, and the enkindling of a feeling 
of dependence upon Russia as the only Power that could se- 
cure for them such national development as they desired. 
The same thing became manifest after a few years among the 
Armenians. The Pan-Slavist committee that had really fanned 
into flame the embers of hostility to the Turks in the Balkan 
Peninsula, with a view to the incorporation of those Slavic 
races with the Russians into a great Slavic empire, hardly 
found a congenial field among the Armenians. These latter 
are of different race and schismatics in religion and are 
looked upon by the Slavs everywhere as having no particular 
relations to themselves. They could form no integral part of 
the grand scheme, and there was no such feeling of sympathy 
for them as was distinctly manifest toward the Bulgarians, 
Servians, and others. Still the Russians never gave up their 
idea of an empire that should take in the whole of the Eastern 
Roman world, and replace the crescent by the cross on the 
dome of St. Sophia. Crippled even by their victory in the 
Russo-Turkish war, with great problems of internal adminis- 
tration staring them in the face, with opportunities opening in 
the far East and on the very borders of India, Turkey assumed 
for the time being a somewhat minor position in Russian dip- 
lomatic plans. At the same time it was never entirely out of 
sight, and there became manifest, before many years had passed 
by, the indications of another current of influence spreading 
from the Armenians of the Caucasus throughout the whole of 
Turkey. Whether these embassies were directly in the employ 
of a Russian organization or not, it is probably impossible to 
say ; it may be that they were simply in sympathy with the 
desire referred to in a previous chapter of establishing an 



332 



TREATY OF BERLIN. 



Armenia again in the ancestral region extending from Ararat 
on the north to Van on the south. But whatever the imme- 
diate connection may have been, the fact remains that Russian- 
Armenian influences began to make themselves manifest with- 
in not many years after the signing of the treaty of Berlin, 
especially in certain sections. They found indeed very fer- 
tile soil in which to work. The two clauses of the treaty of 
Berlin to which the Armenians looked as furnishing them the 
hope of a better national life were the 6ist and 62d articles, 
which read as follows : 

'Art. 61. The Sublime Porte engages to realize without de- 
lay those ameliorations and reforms which local needs require 
in the provinces inhabited by the Armenians, and guarantees 
their security against the Circassians and the Kurds. It 
undertakes to make known, from time to time, the measures 
taken with this object to the Powers, who will watch over 
their application. 

"Art. 62. The Sublime Porte having expressed its willing- 
ness to maintain the principle of religious liberty, and to give 
it the widest sphere, the contracting parties take cognizance 
of this spontaneous declaration. In every part of the Ottoman 
Empire difference of religion should not be held as a motive 
of exclusion or unfitness in anything that relates to the use 
of civil and political rights, admission to public offices, duties, 
and honors, and the exercise of all professions and industries, 
in whatever locality it may be. All should be admitted before 
the tribunals, the exercise and external practice of all religions 
should be entirely free, and no impediment should be offered 
either to the hierarchical organization of the different com- 
munions or to their spiritual chiefs ; ecclesiastics, pilgrims, and 
monks of all nationalities traveling in European and Asiatic 



ARMENIAN AUTONOMY. 333 

Turkey shall enjoy the same rights, advantages, and privileges. 
The right of official protection is accorded to the diplomatic 
and consular agents of the Powers in Turkey, no less with 
regard to the persons above mentioned, with their religious 
and charitable establishments, than to others in the Holy 
Places and elsewhere. The rights conceded to France are 
expressly reserved, it being well understood that the status 
quo with respect to the Holy Places shall not be seriously 
affected in any way. The monks of Mount Athos, whatever 
their nationality, shall be maintained in possession of their 
possessions and previous advantages, and shall enjoy without 
exception full equality of rights and prerogatives." 

The most cursory reading of these in the light of the suc- 
ceeding years shows how completely the Turkish Government 
had failed to carry out any one of the different promises made 
in these articles, especially in that with regard to the Arme- 
nians. It was, perhaps, not unnatural that the first idea of 
those who plead the Armenian cause at Berlin should have 
been to secure an autonomous province, They had seen 
Bulgaria developed; they had seen also the growth of 
Rumania, of Greece and of Servia into kingdoms, and many 
of them could not understand why there might not be an 
Armenia. They looked upon the whole section extending 
south from the east end of the Black Sea, and including Van, 
as their ancestral property. Whatever there was there of 
Kurdish or Turkish occupation was really usurpation, and 
they felt that if the Powers of Europe would simply support 
them, they could assert their right and overpower these in- 
truders. But even if there were not a distinct national prov- 
ince, they had seen the success of the plan developed in Syria. 
In the province of the Lebanon there were Moslems in great 



334 PURPOSE OF THE LEADERS. 

numbers; nevertheless a Christian governor had been granted, 
and there had been for fifteen years such peace and prosperity 
as had not been known for centuries. At least this much 
might be secured to them. They, however, took the position 
that they would get in proportion as they asked ; hence they 
asked for the greatest that could be given, with the expecta- 
tion probably, at least on the part of the better informed, of 
securing not that, but something less, which should be after 
all a great advance on the condition at that time. 

As, however, the general discussion of the question came 
up more and more prominently, the Armenian leaders began 
to see that there was a very widespread feeling that the 
Armenian nation was not equal to the position which they 
claimed for themselves. To begin with, they were a distinct 
minority in the very country that they desired to own ; more- 
over the inhabitants of that section were in a considerable 
degree of the more ignorant classes. They were rude in 
their speech, uncultured in their manners, ignorant of almost 
all that pertains to national life. True, this was not their 
fault; it was rather a misfortune due to centuries of oppres- 
sion. Still, there was the fact. Moreover, there was no 
organization that bound all the Armenians together. They 
were scattered communities with no bond of union, except 
their language and their church creed. These communities 
were ignorant of each other and jealous of each others' pros- 
perity. The first thing, therefore, apparently that presented 
itself to the minds of the leaders was a general propaganda 
throughout the Armenians of the Turkish Empire, with a 
view to developing the national idea, and also with a view 
toward some form of organization, so that when the time for 
action came, they would be in a degree united. This was 



EDUCATION. 335 

undoubtedly the chief purpose of such men as Minas Tcheraz, 
who was at Berlin, and of the wisest men among the leaders. 
They understood the situation, and set themselves to accom- 
plishing what they could. Had the movement remained in "" 
their hands, there is little probability but that the ultimate 
result, if not in accord with their highest ambition, would have . 
been a better condition than the present. Here, however, 
appeared another phase. 

There is in every nation a certain element of the heedless 
and reckless, seeing only the end to be gained, and impatient 
of the best means of reaching that end. Scattered through- 
out Europe were a number of Armenians who, having im- 
bibed the free-thought ideas developed in the French Rev- 
olution, and fired by the experiences of 1848, were utterly 
impatient of the slower process of education. They were 
hot-headed and ambitious rather for themselves than for the 
nation, and they pointed to the experiences of Bulgaria and 
of the Greeks. They claimed that this slower process of 
education was all very well, but it would accomplish nothing. 
It might go on for generations without securing any definite 
national life. They pointed out that the European nations 
would never interfere except for their own interests; that 
England, France, and Europe generally, had cared nothing 
for the Bulgarian troubles until the massacres compelled in- 
terference in order to prevent Russia from overpowering 
themselves. From this the argument was easy that the 
Armenians could accomplish nothing unless the European 
Governments saw that there was such a state of anarchy 
throughout Asiatic Turkey as would compel their interference 
in or^er to prevent the general collapse, which every one 
feared would be the result of a widespread European war. 



336 THE HUNTCH AGISTS. 

Their argument was simply, " These European Governments, 
especially England, will never help Armenians practically 
until they see that they have got to help them in order to 
save themselves from great danger ; the only way to secure 
this is to stir the Turkish Government just as it was stirred in 
Bulgaria, and secure some kind of atrocities that shall focus 
the attention of the Christian world upon the Turkish Empire." 
This general argument was reinforced by the presence among 
the Armenians of the Nihilistic tendencies developed in 
Russia. 

The result was the formation of a revolutionary society 
called the Huntchagists. Just where it was formed, just 
who were its members, and just where and how it operated, 
is not yet definitely evident. Contemporary history is seldom 
if ever complete. It is sufficient to say that in Athens, Mar- 
seilles and London there were coteries of Armenians who 
made it their business to stir strife throughout the nation. 
They sent emissaries through the length and breadth of the 
Turkish Empire. These met with the younger, more ad- 
venturous and less scrupulous element to be found in every 
nation, and commenced a general propaganda. Where there 
was oppression, that oppression was made the most of in pub- 
lic prints ; stories of the most atrocious type were told. The 
Turkish rule was bad enough, but it was made to appear in- 
finitely worse than it was by these men. But they found 
that this was not sufficient. They became apparently exas- 
perated by their failure to rouse their own people to the 
pitch of excitement which they deemed essential in order to 
accomplish their purpose. Hence they commenced attacks 
of one kind and another, not merely upon the Moslems, but 
upon their fellow-countrymen who did not support them. 



PLACARDS. 337 

Threats were allowed to be heard of what the Armenians 
would do to anybody and everybody they did not like. It 
was inevitable that these should be heard ; it was intended 
that they should be heard. Turkish governors were on the 
watch. One of the shrewdest of the provincial governors, a 
man whose general conduct of his office was by no means of 
the harshest, had the cannon of his capital trained upon an 
Armenian church because of the stories that came to him of 
the threats of these men. Then came the widespread use 
of revolutionary placards. Apparently they were posted by 
the Turks themselves, but whether this was true or not 
seemed uncertain. Naturally the Turkish officials began to 
exercise harshness. They felt that they were fighting some 
unseen foe and the results appeared in the form of arbitrary 
arrests and the most cruel punishments. Just when this 
general work commenced it seems to be impossible to say. 
Within ten years after the treaty of Berlin there were signs 
of the existence of this influence, but the most marked indi- 
cations were manifest in 1892, coming to a head in the early 
part of 1893. 

About this time the revolutionists, whether members of the 
Huntchagist party or not, seemed to have come to the con- 
viction that there must be some overt act that should ac- 
complish what they had in view — the focusing of the attention 
of Europe upon themselves. They seemed at first to be at 
somewhat of a loss as to the best method of doing this. 
Finally, under just what influences is not evident, they gath- 
ered, especially in the region of Marsovan and Yuzgat, and 
placards began to appear, sometimes on public buildings, 
sometimes on the walls of houses. On the night of the 5th 
of January, 1893, scores, even hundreds of these placards, 



333 



AMERICANS THREATENED. 



were posted in many places, all of a seditious character, 
rousing opposition against the government. Two were found 
affixed to the outer gate of the premises of the American 
Board missionaries at Marsovan, but before the paste upon 
them was dry they were pulled down by persons belonging 
to the college, who were passing through the gates. These 
placards were addressed to the Turks and full of denuncia- 
tion of the government for its oppression and general cor- 
ruption. Within ten days arrests began to be made. The 
chief of police was given full authority to investigate the 
matter, but his previous record and subsequent conduct 
showed him to be utterly unfit for the work. He was 
brutal, utterly regardless of law and simply bent upon 
wreaking personal vengeance wherever possible. 

Just what the object was in endeavoring to identify the 
American buildings with this movement, it is not difficult to 
see. Americans are almost the only foreigners dwelling in 
the interior of Turkey. They are under peculiar protection 
by treaty rights. They are well known over the world, and 
throughout the whole period of their residence in Turkey 
have identified themselves very closely with the efforts to 
ameliorate the condition of the people. Anything that could 
identify them with anti-government manifestations would call 
down upon them the hostility of the government. That would 
result in damage of some sort, and this would call the atten- 
tion of the foreign governments, which it was hoped would 
accomplish the end in view. With this it is entirely possible 
that there may have been personal bitter feeling. Not a few 
Armenians have felt that the missionaries were undermining 
their national life by their opposition to ecclesiastical formal- 
ism, and in their attacks on atheism and infidelity they were 



DISTURBANCE IN MARSOVAN. 339 

charged by many with hindering the progress of free thought. 
Whatever the immediate purpose, this much was accomplished 
Z the attention of the Turkish Government was directed 
very forcibly to the missionaries. The chief of police, who 
perhaps had his own reasons for hostilities to the Amen ans, 
took advantage of the opportunity to threaten both the college 
and its teachers, charging the institution with being a source 
of sedition and affirming that the placards were issued from 
Anatolia College, since they were written by *£?£?£ 
as the missionaries used. It was also reported throughout 
the X that the buildings were to be burned and tha h.gh 
officials y had declared that the college site should be a plowed 
field. In less than two weeks the senior Armenian professor 
of the college, Mr. Thoumaian, and a little later another 
member of the faculty, Professor Kayayan, were arrested and 
imprisoned, and every request to see them or to give bad for 
them was refused. There was not the slightest : evidence that 
they had had anything to do with the .ssumg of the placards, 
and the whole charge seems to have been made for the pur- 
pose of furnishing a basis for an attack upon the college 

On the night of February 1st, one of the buildings which 
was in process of erection for the girls' school was set on fire. 
The presence of soldiers and officials near the budding before 
alarm could possibly have been given, indicated the.r connec- 
tion with it, but the charge was immediately made that the 
colleo-e authorities themselves had fired the building e.ther 
to exdte revolt among the Armenians or conceal the presence 
of arms and ammunition. These charges were sent on to Con- 
stantinople and the animus of the government is shown in 
its appointment of the same local officials notoriously corrupt 
and who were known to have threatened the college, for the 



34o 



TRIALS AND TORTURE. 



conduct of the examination. There was general disturbance 
throughout the whole region, with outbreaks in a number of 
places : Yuzgat, Gemerek, Cesarea, and elsewhere. Large 
numbers of arrests were made until certainly between two and 
three hundred Armenians, against whom no charge could be 
found, were imprisoned. The professors were not released 
even on bail and there was great excitement throughout the 
region. 

Throughout the summer of 1893 the excitement continued 
to increase. Commissions were appointed to try these men 
in prison. At the trials, torture of the most atrocious kind 
was used to extort confession of guilt and charges against 
prominent men. Very little, however, was learned, and at 
last most of those arrested were released, though many were 
transferred to the different fortresses at the Island of 
Rhodes, near Mersine, and at St. Jean d' Acre in Syria. 
Among these were some Protestant pastors who had had no 
share whatever in the disturbance, but were looked upon 
with suspicion by the Turkish Government for their liberal 
ideas. The professors were put on trial. No proof what- 
ever was found against them, and at last, on special protest 
by the English Government, they were released on condition 
of leaving the country. One feature in the investigations 
was the presence of a large number of documents, apparently 
in the hand-writing of some of the arrested men. It 
appeared, however, on investigation, that there were a large 
number of forgeries, one of the American missionaries find- 
ing his own name signed to some papers. The question of 
the burning of the school building was taken up earnestly by 
the American Government and indemnity was secured from 
Turkey, together with a permit to rebuild. 



AMERICAN CITIZENS. 



341 



In one sense the revolutionists had achieved their purpose. 
They had attracted attention, and it had become very evident 
to Europe that matters in Turkey were going from bad to 
worse. The great activity of the Turkish Government, how- 
ever, made their position in Turkey quite difficult. They 
appeared less and less in the country itself for some time, 
but took their station outside, and through Europe and even 
in this country they made general charges against the Turkish 
Government and gathered funds to continue from a safe posi- 
tion the general propaganda which had been started in 
Turkey. At this point a new phase of their work appeared. 
For some time there had been considerable effort on the 
part of Armenians to secure American citizenship, return to 
Turkey and demand the same protection at the hands of the 
Turkish Government that was accorded to native-born 
American citizens. The diplomatic relations of this will be 
referred to in another chapter on the relations between 
America and Turkey. In some respects they were able thus 
to accomplish a good deal, but some serious difficulties arose. 
Individuals claiming American protection were charged by 
the Turkish Government with exerting seditious influence, 
and complaints were made to the United States Government 
with regard to it. The position was taken by this govern- 
ment that it could not force upon the Turkish Government 
the continued presence of its own citizens who were not 
desired by that government. This aroused a great cry and 
increasing efforts were made to secure at the hands of this 
government complete protection. The chief effect, however, 
was to direct attention more than ever to their work, and 
letters appeared from different parts of Turkey protesting 
against the influences that went forth from these revolu- 



342 EXTENT OF REVOLUTION. 

tionary committees, taking the ground that they were having 
simply the effect of arousing the hostility of the Turkish 
officials, while they were accomplishing no good purpose. 

As has already been said, the extent of this revolutionary 
movement it is impossible to state accurately. The members 
of the committees are not known ; how widely their move- 
ment had received, if not the absolute indorsement, at least 
the sympathy of their own people, is also very uncertain. 
This much, however, is unquestionable, that while individuals 
in various parts of the empire did have this sympathy with 
the revolutionary idea, there were very few indeed who 
carried it to the extreme favored by the committee. Occasion- 
ally a man would be found who would say, as one did to one 
of the missionaries, " If I had my way I would kill you 
immediately. That would bring the whole matter to a crisis, 
and it would be the best thing for us." But this was entirely 
repugnant to most of those who favored overt action, and the 
great majority of Armenians in every portion of the empire 
not only had no share in the plans, but where they knew of 
them, bitterly opposed them. As a matter of fact the 
revolutionary movement has never been a national move- 
ment. It has represented individual ideas, and while those 
individuals were to a degree numerous, especially in certain 
sections, they have never represented the great mass of the 
people. The influence of the American missionaries, the 
influence of the Armenian ecclesiastics and of the better 
informed in the nation, was strongly against any such attempt. 
All knew that it was madness. The facts, that the Armenians 
were so scattered throughout the empire, that they were 
untrained in the use of arms, that so little organization was 
possible among them, all combined to make the movement a 



YOUNG TURKEY PARTY. * 343 

most atrocious wrong to the people. At the same time it 
had its effect upon the Turks, both government and people. 
The appearance of the placards was attended to a considerable 
degree by talk among the people, which spread until there 
became a widely extended feeling that there was a revolution 
impending, and the Turks in many places really felt afraid of 
the influence that might be exerted through the Christian 
population. In some places this amounted to panic, and there 
were not a few cases during 1893 and in the early part of 
1894, when Turkish officials had all they could do to restrain 
the hostile manifestations of the Moslem communities. 
Another effect was that it gave force to the arguments of the 
reactionary Turks, who claimed that all this yielding to the 
desires of the Christians was nonsense, and that the only 
thing for the Sultan to do was to set himself deliberately 
against them and to make it very clear that in Turkey the 
Turk ruled and Islam would brook no rival. 

In this immediate connection mention should be made of 
an undoubted fact. The elements among the Turks repre- 
sented by Haireddin Pasha, called variously the Party of 
Progress, or the Young Turkey Party, were at the same time 
carrying on a certain propaganda, to what extent it is impos- 
sible to say. Their leaders, among them Midhat Pasha, and 
those who had been associated with him, had been exiled and 
put to death. They themselves had been scattered in one 
way or another over the empire. Constantinople, and indeed 
all Europe, was aroused by the story of a number of young 
Turks who came from an interior city to Constantinople, were 
seen upon the steamer, and then disappeared from view. 
Whither they went no one could tell. Afterwards individuals 
appeared claiming to be members of that company and saying 



344 FAILURE OF HUNTCHAGISTS. 

that they had been arrested and sent into exile only to return 
with great difficulty. There was a general feeling that revo- 
lution was in the air. The Huntchagists represented the 
Armenian phase of it ; the Young Turkey Party the Moslem 
phase of it. Each probably helped the other ; each laid upon 
the other the responsibility for certain acts aimed against 
the government. The Armenians said that the placards at 
Marsovan, etc., were posted by the Turks ; the Turks retorted 
the charge upon the Armenians. Just where the truth is, it 
will probably be some years before it is possible to state with 
accuracy. 

In the events that followed the massacres at Sassun, Con- 
stantinople, Erzrum, etc., the traces of Huntchagists are 
apparent in some ; absolutely wanting in others. Since then 
the party seems to have disappeared from view. Nothing is 
heard of it ; nothing said about it. If it exists, it is hiding 
itself, partly, it is to be hoped, in shame and remorse for 
the cruelties that have at least in good measure resulted from 
its folly, partly because its schemes have been brought abso- 
lutely to naught by the dominating power of Russia. They 
started out for an autonomous Armenia. They failed abso- 
lutely of securing even a moderate reform in the condition 
of their people. Conceived in conceit, in treachery and in 
falsehood, its fruit has been ruin and misery of the worst 
type. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

General Situation in 1894. 

Terrible Oppression — Exaggerated Reports— Truth Stranger Than Fiction— Religious 
Liberty Infringed Upon — Oppressive School Laws — Rigorous Censorship — General 
Effort of the Government to Suppress Christian Development. 

THE situation in the summer of 1894 throughout the 
empire was one bordering on anarchy. From every 
section of the country came word of the most atrocious treat- 
ment by the Turkish Government of its Christian subjects. 
Taxes were imposed in a way that in the already impoverished 
condition of the country was simply ruinous. The effect of 
the action of the revolutionists in Marsovan had been to arouse 
very bitter feeling against them on every hand and to create 
an impression, even among those favorable to the nation, that 
they were chiefly responsible for the situation. At the same 
time reports were sent to the European papers of the most 
thrilling type. Some of these were true, most were based 
upon truth, but there was not a little exaggeration in details. 
Great excitement was aroused by the publication in the 
English papers of a detailed statement furnished by the 
Vienna correspondent of the Daily News as to the treatment 
of Armenian prisoners in Central Asia Minor. According to 
this, hundreds of them were cast into prison, stripped of 
their clothes and tortured in the most diabolical manner. 

(345) 



346 ATROCITIES. 

While men were beaten, women were outraged in the presence 
of their husbands and fathers, and general atrocities com- 
mitted that surpassed in horror those of the invasions of the 
Goths and Huns. Careful investigation showed that while 
these charges were in some sense correct, the impression made 
by them in general was often false. In one case the hundreds 
dwindled to twenty-eight, and while there was outrage enough 
to stir the indignation of every righteous man, there was 
exaggeration enough to enable the Turkish Government to 
represent that these stories were based upon a general desire 
to create trouble. Instances innumerable might be given of 
the methods adopted with regard to individuals. A few must 
suffice. An intelligent Armenian physician had been practic- 
ing for some years in one of the cities in Central Asia Minor. 
He had a good reputation, and both Greeks and Turks as 
well as Armenians patronized him and urged him to accept 
the office of city physician. With some reluctance he yielded. 
A petition was sent to Constantinople and he was appointed. 
He found the drinking water of the city polluted by the prox- 
imity of slaughter-houses and water closets to the water course. 
He reported the case to the local government in accordance 
with his duty as health officer. As nothing was done by them 
he appealed to the Governor-General of the province, but 
without any result. Then, following out strict orders from 
Constantinople with regard to the prevention of cholera, he 
reported to the health department at Constantinople and the 
headquarters of the army corps of the district. The Governor- 
General thereupon received a reprimand, and in great anger 
summoned the physician to the capital of the province. A 
request to go to his home for warmer clothing, for it was in 
mid-winter, was met with stern refusal, and a police force of 



HOMELESS. 347 

twenty men with an officer at their head dragged him through 
the markets and the streets for more than half a mile, to the 
outskirts of the city, where he lay for half an hour unconscious. 
When he recovered he was placed upon a horse, but he could 
not sit up, and was tied to his back. The governor, in great 
rao-e, said that he should not be allowed to live in the province 
at & all Requests of people from another city that he come 
there, were not granted. 

As another illustration, a photographer of one city pre- 
sented the usual charge for some pictures made on the order 
of an official. The governor summoned him, and roared out, 
-Are not you one of those local Armenians that I can make 
rot?" So terrified was the poor man that he was glad to 
slink away and say nothing about pay. 

These are but illustrations of what was done over the whole 
empire by the order of high officials, until there became a 
veritable reign of terror, and no man felt his life or property, 
or the honorof his wife and daughter safe, in any interior city, 
town or village. Perhaps, however, the most forcible setting 
forth of the situation is found in a statement not in regard to 
the ordinary brutality of officials, or the rapacity of Kurds. 
It had become more and more evident that there was a gen- 
eral plan of the government to intensify by its oppression, as 
much as possible, the recognition on the part of the Chris- 
tians of their absolute subordination to Moslems. In response 
to a special request from the British ambassador, a statement 
was drawn up by persons thoroughly well-posted in regard to 
the general condition, and from that statement are taken in 
considerable degree the facts that follow. 

One of the glories of the administration of Abdul Medjid 
was the Hatti ^Humayoun of 1856, the charter of liberty and 



248 DISPLACING CHRISTIANS. 

equality to the Christians of Turkey. This has already been 
referred to in preceding chapters, and needs no further 
description here, except to recall the statement that its aim 
was the carrying into effect of the principle of equality 
between the Mussulmans and non-Mussulmans of the empire. 
During the remainder of the reign of Abdul Medjid, and to a 
considerable extent during that of Abdul Aziz, this principle 
had been followed. 

Soon after the treaty of Berlin, however, there became 
manifest a tendency to displace Christians by Moslems in 
responsible posts in every department of government in 
Asiatic Turkey. Some still remained, for the reason that there 
were practically no Moslems competent to fill the positions. 
Administrative offices were even still to some extent occupied 
by Armenians or Greeks, but their number had been increas- 
ingly small. At the time of which we are speaking, 1894, 
there was in the Council of State, to which the administration 
of the interior provinces belongs, but one Christian member, 
notwithstanding the fact that measures affecting the vital 
interests of the Christian population were daily subjects for 
consideration. So also the High Council of the Ministry of 
Public Instruction, specially directed by the Hatti Humayoun 
to be a mixed council, had but one non-Moslem member, 
although it decided upon the interests of all Christian schools 
in the country. The Superior Council of Censorship had also 
a very insignificant proportion of non-Moslem members, not- 
withstanding the fact that by far the greatest number of books 
for Christians either published in Turkey or imported from 
without were by Protestants. Although the proportion of 
readers of books in the Protestant communities was far 
greater than in any other, there was not a single Protestant 



BOARD OF CENSORS. 349 

on this council, or indeed in any high council or responsible 
position under the government. One result of this was seen 
in the absurd laws passed by the Board of Censors with 
regard to the introduction and publication of books. Instances 
of* this kind could be given in numbers; thus the word 
Armenia was stricken out of every book. A translation of 
the hymn — 

" The children are gathering from near and from far, 
The trumpet is sounding the call for the war," 

was forbidden as being revolutionary, and even a number of 
Eno-lish hymn books were detained for weeks and months by 
the^Board of Censors, in the search for the English version of 
this same hymn. 

One of the special points in the Hatti Humayoun was the 
suppression of the ancient custom of making the police 
agents collectors of taxes. This had given rise to grave 
abuses. Little by little the usage was restored and finally, in 
the summer of this year, an imperial edict set aside the work 
of that charter, by appointing the police throughout the 
country to be tax-collecting agents, with a system of rewards 
to those officers who should succeed best in collecting money. 
Torture and capital punishment were absolutely forbidden by 
this same charter, yet in the trials in regard to the disturb- 
ances at Angora, in 1893, and at Yuzgat, in 1894, torture of 
the most inhuman character was extensively used in order to 
force men to testify according to the orders of the officials. 
An Armenian at Marsovan was flogged until his back was 
raw flesh, to force him to sign a declaration that certain Ameri- 
cans were plotting with Armenians an insurrection. An 
Armenian blacksmith, in the province of Angora, was made 
insane by the torture inflicted on him in prison. 



or BRUTAL INSULTS. 

Residents in Constantinople and throughout the empire in 
the early years of the century had been accustomed to hear 
the most opprobrious epithets used to them by Turks of 
every grade. Under the influence of Abdul Medjid and the 
Hatti Humayoun this diminished greatly, and as a conse- 
quence the social relations grew more and more friendly. 
During the five years previous to 1894, however, a marked 
change was noticed everywhere throughout the empire. 
There was far more of brutality in the treatment of individuals ; 
there was an increasing lack of regard for the customs of the 
Christians. The governor of Nicomedia, only sixty miles 
from Constantinople, ordered a leading Christian merchant of 
that place to open his shop for business on Sunday. On his 
refusal to do that which his religion forbade, this same officer 
publicly and abominably reviled the religion that taught him 
such a thing. He then struck the merchant in the face and 
tried by fierce threats to compel him to "obey the orders of 
an officer of the Sultan." In the province of Erzrum some 
soldiers came to a village on Sunday and demanded sacks 
to carry grain. They were requested to wait until the 
close of the service when the sacks would be furnished. They 
however entered the church, bawled out to the preacher to 
stop the service, and even drew their swords upon the men 
who sought to quiet this interruption. An officer of a Christian 
community in another city had occasion to go to police head- 
quarters for a document. He was met with a torrent of un- 
speakably vile abuse of himself and the most -sacred things of 
his religion. There .were a large number of officers and pri- 
vates of the police present, but not one remonstrated. In no 
case was there any possibility of redress, although twenty 



TREATMENT OF CHRISTIANS. 35 1 

years before, punishment would have been accorded promptly 

to the offending officers. # m 

With regard to the general treatment of the Christian 
peasants in the districts of Eastern Turkey, it is impossible to 
give anything like an adequate conception of the situation. 
Not merely were the villagers subject to open robbery by the 
Kurds, but to the scarcely less ruinous extortion carried on 
by the lower government officials. The outrages carried 
on by Kurds under their new semi-military organization, had 
given occasion to petition after petition to the Central Govern- 
ment. No attention, however, was paid to them, and in 1893 
orders were sent from Constantinople forbidding the trans- 
mission of any more petitions against these regiments. But 
it was not merely the Kurds that the people had to fear. 
Reference has already been made to the Circassians that were 
brought in in such numbers from the Caucasus. They had 
spread themselves over Western Asia Minor, and while at first 
less bold became, during the five years under special survey, 
so arrogant that no Christian farmer could hope to hold his 
property if it pleased the eye of one of these men. A general 
survey of the whole situation leaves the inevitable impression 
of a plan officially adopted to wage an indirect war upon the 
whole Christian population by crushing them, reducing them 
to poverty, and to clear them off from the face of the land 
in order to replace them by a Moslem population. 

That this plan was a general one against all non-Moslems 
is evidenced by the fact that the oppression and the injustice 
was by no means confined to the Armenian villages and towns. 
The Greek villages suffered only in a secondary measure, 
while the Christian population of Mesopotamia suffered fully 
as much. In The Independent of New York, in the issue of 



352 KURDISH EXACTIONS. 

January 17th, 1895, was published a long statement as to the 
exactions made upon the various villages by the Kurdish 
chiefs and also by the government officials. The following is 
an illustration of the latter. During the summer of 1894 
the government demanded back taxes from a certain village 
to a large amount, which according to the villagers had no 
foundation in justice. They had already been impoverished 
and had no means of paying the tax. Under very heavy 
pressure from the government, however, they raised a part of 
the sum by mortgaging their fields and future crops, leaving 
a balance which they absolutely could not pay. Driven 
to desperation by the soldiers, who insisted upon collecting 
the taxes, they entirely deserted their village and fled to the 
mountains. After some months the government endeavored 
to induce them to return, and promised redress for their 
wrongs. When however they did return, still increased 
pressure was brought to bear upon them to secure money. 
In a number of villages the people were literally bought 
as slaves. In some cases the food supply, beds, household 
utensils, farmers' implements were seized by the collectors 
in lieu of taxes. These collectors then made false returns of 
taxes received, and when the new officials came, using the 
incomplete reports of their predecessors they again collected 
the taxes, entailing much suffering. 

In still further proof of the statement that the situation was 
the result of a general plan for the suppressing of the Chris- 
tians, attention should be called to a series of facts with re- 
gard to aggressions upon specific religious liberty. Before 
1856, an imperial firman (permit) had been required for all 
Christian churches, and worship in any others than those in- 
dorsed by the Imperial Government was absolutely forbidden. 



A NEW EDICT. 



•353 



After that date the Hatti Humayoun recognized the right of 
ail people to worship as they saw fit; and while the con- 
struction of churches was especially referred for authoriza- 
tion by imperial firman, the right to read the Testament, as 
worship was called, in private dwellings was fully acknowl- 
edged. 

From that time until 1891, this liberty was enjoyed 
throughout the country. When it became a question of the 
erection of a larofe church to be consecrated for divine ser- 
vice, the imperial permit was always secured. But there were 
many cases in smaller villages and towns, and even in cities, 
where the community was not large enough to warrant an 
expensive building, where the people gathered in a room in a 
private house. This served for service on Sunday and some- 
times on week days ; also for private schools, and meantime 
was in many instances a dwelling place for the family of the 
preacher or teacher. It was not until 1891 that the Sublime 
Porte questioned for the first time officially the right of 
Christians to conduct worship in this way in private houses. 
In the following year an edict was issued which took advan- 
tage of the fact that in certain cases worship was conducted 
in the same room as private schools, and basing its claim upon 
the recognized law that schools were under general imperial 
supervision, decreed the suppression of worship in schools 
not formally authorized and found to be without permits after 
a stipulated time. When objection was made to this, the 
reply was that this was a technical measure, bringing existing 
places of worship under regular forms, and promising that 
permits would be issued promptly on application. As a mat- 
ter of fact several permits were thus issued. But two years 
later a new move was made in this same direction and a 



254 RIGHT TO WORSHIP. 

number of places of Protestant worship throughout Asiatic 
Turkey were suppressed, under the claim that no worship at 
all could be carried on in any building that had not received 
specific authorization by imperial firman. The situation was 
explained by a provincial official as follows : " Every place 
where a Christian says his prayers is reckoned as a church, , 
and a church cannot exist without an imperial firman." 
The result of this was that there were numerous cases all 
over the country, not merely in the interior, but in Constanti- 
nople and in Syria, where the Protestants were prohibited 
from worship. 

One case deserves special note. For many years the 
Protestant community in Stamboul, or the city proper of 
Constantinople, had worshipped in a private house under the 
general permit accorded in 1856. That building became un- 
safe through age and a new one was desired. Petition after 
petition was made, and every conceivable pretext, and many 
that seemed absolutely inconceivable, was brought forward 
to prevent their securing the right to worship. Similar in- 
stances occurred in Sidon, in Syria, others in the provinces 
of Trebizond, Harput, Angora and Adana. In the city of 
Ordu, not far from Trebizond, where there was a large 
Protestant community, effort after effort was made to secure 
a building, and one was at last obtained after repeated appli- 
cations. Objections, however, were made by local Greek 
priests, and the Turkish Government took advantage of this 
and stopped the worship. It thus became notorious that the 
government would take advantage of every pretext of what- 
ever kind, whether of hostility on the part of local magnates 
or of what they considered general welfare, to check so far as 
possible the spread of Christian worship. Of course the 



SUPPRESSING SCHOOLS. 355 

regularly authorized churches were not disturbed whether 
belonging to Armenians, Greeks, Jacobites or Protestan s. 

Wlfat is perhaps a still more marked instance of this is 
found in the'action with regard to schools. According , to the 
Hatti Humayoun the various communities were authorized to 
open schools and in the circular that attended the promulga- 

tion of the edict it was said : 

a ,0 .rhools created and erected by the communities, the most absolute liberty 

«In regard to schools created ana y intervenes save to prevent in cases 

is le ft to them by the ^™^—^ "Xols to persons whose principles are 

iS?£ST ^ ISr- - I^ial Government or contrary to public 



order." 



For twenty-eight years this liberty was fully enjoyed by the 
various Christian communities. The result was the sponging 
np of a system of education over the whole country that 
chanced in many respects the character of the various com- 
munhies. The dominant cause for this is set forth in another 
lapter, that on- mission work, and need not be explained 
here further than to say that the impulse was given by the 
American and English missonaries, but was cordially followed 
out by Armenian, Greek, Maromte, Bulgarian and other 
Christian communities, and had its effect even upon he 
Modems themselves. In Syria in .88,, and throughout the 
Pm nire in 1884 the government suddenly commenced to sup- 
;rChristia 4 n'schoolson the ground of .ack of conformity 
to the school law of .867. This was news to all. But on 
examination it was found that in an obscure PWPM«- 
ceded and followed by matter relating solely to the oiganua 
tion of a governmental system, there was a single clause 
touching what are known as private schools. According to 
his these are permitted on condition that the course of 



356 HEAVY PENALTIES. 

study, the books used, and the diplomas of the teachers be 
submitted for the approval of the local authorities. For fif- 
teen years this had been held in abeyance, and was absolutely 
unknown until some thirty schools were closed in Syria for 
disobedience of it. Then followed a series of negotiations, 
which resulted in a declaration by the Minister of Public In- 
struction that existing Christian schools would not be molested 
if they submitted to control in the three points mentioned. 
Throughout the country there was general submission to this 
control, but on application for permits, the statement was 
uniformly made that they could be given to none but new 
schools. 

This again blocked the way. Three years later a large 
number were closed for lack of permits. Then followed re- 
newed negotiations; and a vizerial order was issued in 1889, 
confirming the declaration of the Minister of Public Instruc- 
tion. Again three years later the edict referred to was issued, 
ordering the closing of all schools and places of worship 
which did not obtain formal permits within a specified time, 
thouQfh it was left to the will of the officials to issue or refuse 
the permits. The situation was then somewhat alleviated, but 
the next year a new difficulty arose. The local authorities 
claimed that the permits required were not those of the De- 
partment of Public Instruction but an imperial firman, and in 
1894, the Sublime Porte declared that no school of any kind 
could exist without an imperial firman. Stringent orders 
were issued laying heavy penalties upon officials who neglected 
to close schools without permits. Teachers were forbidden to 
allow addresses to be made to scholars or to have essays read by 
scholars at public festivals without first submitting both to the 
censorship. No private house occupied by an authorized 



CENSORSHIP OF THE PRESS. 



357 



Christian school was to be repaired except by special order 
from Constantinople ; houses or building lots could not be pur- 
chased by English, American or French subjects without a [ 
bond promising that the buildings should be razed to the 
ground if worship or schools were at any time established in 
them. 

The inevitable result of this was to fill the provincial au- 
thorities with the idea that the Ottoman Government was hos- 
tile to Christian educational institutions. 

Another illustration was the requirement by a decree issued 
in this same year that all Christian schools were to give 
considerable instruction in the Turkish language. Such an 
edict inevitably closed the schools in Damascus, in Mesopo- 
tamia and in certain portions of Asia Minor, where neither 
teachers nor scholars knew that language. About the same 
time there came to light the influence of a law issued in 1892, 
organizing an Imperial Civil Service school, which forbade the 
employment in government bureaus of any one graduating 
from other than government schools. Thus again a blow was 
struck at the higher education in Christian schools through- 
out the country. 

In the same line with this was the action of the government 
with regard to censorship of the press and of books, whether 
those printed in the country or imported from abroad. Im- 
mediately following 1856, there was considerable freedom of 
action in this particular. While there was a general super- 
vision of everything that was either printed or imported into 
the empire, there was manifest an inclination to trust to the 
honor of reputable publishers and importers. Occasionally 
there was transgression, but as a rule by private individuals 
The large societies or printing houses invariably sought to 



358 INCREASED RESTRICTIONS. 

accord absolutely to the law, even where they found it ex- 
tremely irksome. With the advent of the present Sultan, 
however, a change became manifest. Constantly increasing 
restrictions were placed. Law after law regulating the sale 
and publishing of books was issued, each more stringent than 
its predecessor. No book was allowed to be printed without 
carrying on its title page the permit of the Bureau of Censors, 
and no book was allowed to be imported without the stamp 
of the censors. Considerable negotiation in this regard re- 
sulted in a plan, which while irksome was not really injurious, 
and it was thought that everything would move rightly. 

Soon, however, it became evident that still more restric- 
tions were to be enforced. The existing law was interpreted 
in the most absurd ways. As an illustration ; a colporteur 
started out from the city of Erzrum to carry his books through 
the villages. He was stopped at the gate of the city by the 
police. He showed his traveling passport and stated that all 
his books had the permit of the official board of censors. The 
officer would accept nothing and insisted upon his going to 
the government house. There his books were placed in a 
room and he was told to come after a few days. He came 
but there was no reply ; there had been no time to examine 
the case. He came again, and at last by persistence secured 
the examination by the proper officer. This examination 
showed conclusively that everything was according to law, 
and the colporteur was permitted to go. He started again to 
the gate of the city, and found a new officer on duty. He was 
again arrested and sent back to the government house. 
Again there was a delay, until the same officer's attention 
could be secured. This thing happened several times and 
several weeks passed before the man could go on his way. 



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SEVERE PUNISHMENT. 361 

Instances innumerable of this kind could be given from all 
over the country. 

The last law gave a list of subjects on which all publications 
were absolutely prohibited, so broad that any official might 
if he chose, exclude from this province all Christian literature. 
Any censor in the capital or in the interior provinces might 
reject a book if a single sentence in it appeared of doubtful 
meaning, and severe penalties upon the importation, sale, dis- 
tribution or even transportation of any book which had not 
received the censors' approval, were applied not merely to 
dealers but to private owners. The result of this was that 
again and again individuals were severely punished for hav- 
ing in their possession technically unauthorized books ; that 
is, such as had been published before the existence of these 
later laws. The effect of this is seen in the fact that through- 
out the interior provinces of the empire it has been of late al- 
most impossible to find any books at all, and the children of 
fairly educated parents are growing up in ignorance. 

But the animus of the law was seen not only in its applica- 
tion to the interior provinces, but to the private libraries of 
foreigners, and to the local press in the border cities. In few 
countries has there been a greater newspaper development 
than in certain parts of Turkey. In Constantinople, there are 
a large number of daily papers in every language, Turkish, 
Armenian, Greek, French, English, Italian, Spanish, Judseo- 
Spanish (for the large number of Spanish Jews), Bulgarian, 
Arabic and others. Over every one of these papers there 
was exercised the most rigid censorship ; not merely local 
news, but foreign news was subjected to the most careful 
examination, and any item of any kind, that did not meet with 
the approval of the officers, was remorselessly stricken out. 



362 



FALSE STATEMENTS. 



More than that, every paper was compelled under penalty of 
instant suppression, to publish every item that the govern- 
ment saw fit to issue to it. The effect of this is seen in the 
statements in connection with the massacres. No statement 
of any kind with regard to these massacres was allowed, until 
they became so notorious that it was simply impossible to 
absolutely prevent them. Then the government issued offi- 
cial statements so utterly false, that not even the Turks them- 
selves would believe them. The following paragraphs, from 
the paper referred to above, illustrate very fully the nature 
of many of these restrictions : 

" The censorship of foreign religious and literary works is 
so stringent as to deprive the Christians in Turkey of the 
ordinary means of keeping in touch with the advancement of 
knowledge among their co-religionists abroad. Such classics 
of English literature, for instance, as Shakespeare, Byron, 
Milton, Scott, are refused authorization. So with the higher 
literature of any language. No standard History, no Ency- 
clopedia, no treatise on metaphysics of any extended character, 
no full and extended theology or commentary on the Bible, 
can pass the censorship for introduction into the interior of 
Turkey. And if any minister or teacher, anxious to fill well 
his place, ventures to smuggle such books through or to 
possess the rudiments of a library, he is certain sooner or 
later to fall under the notice of the paid spy, and then must 
submit to the condemnation for the crime which the authorities 
choose to consider to be " incited " by the history or theolog- 
ical work concerned. The effect of the refusal to admit the 
standard works of Christendom, in keeping teachers of Chris- 
tian schools in Turkey down to the level of the primary 
school, need not be enlarged upon. 



PROHIBITED WORDS. 3^3 

« The censorship of books published within the empire is 
still more rigorous, no longer professing to confine itself to 
politics or to polemics in religion, but taking hold of and 
mutilating books designed for the religious instruction and 
encouragement of Christians. It is conceivable that here 
Mohammedan censors might defend their right to prohibit, as 
they do the publication in Turkish, where Moslems might see 
them of the noble works which have been the inspiration and 
the comfort of Christians in all ages. But it is not conceiv- 
able that justification can be found in the case of interference 
with the publication of such books, printed, not in Arabic 
letters that Moslems use, but in the Christian alphabets which 
no Mohammedan can read. Yet the Christian, anxious to 
aid his fellow-Christians to lead noble and useful lives, may 
not publish articles in his own religious newspapers, which 
contain, for instance, the quotation of texts of Scripture. 
These are commonly prohibited either on the plea that the 
texts are not suitable for the common people, or because they 
contain words which are forbidden, and cannot be altered by 
the publisher because they are the words of the Bible. For 
instance, a text which alludes to rising from the dead may not 
be used because the verb " to rise" in some other context 
might mean something else. Any passage from the Bible is 
prohibited which contains any of the following words : Per- 
secution, courage, liberty, strength, rights, union, equality, star 
(in astronomy one has to use the word "luminary" instead), 
king, palace, arms, bloodshed, tyranny, hero, etc., etc. In fact 
these words are prohibited in religious articles in any context 
whatever. A Christian religious newspaper may not place 
before its readers a hymn or other poetry, and from the hymn 
books used in Christian worship many of the grand old hymns 



364 VIRTUES PROHIBITED. 

of the Church have been expunged, and the suppression sus- 
tained after appeal to the highest authority of the Porte. A 
Christian writer addressing Christians who know only Turkish, 
in the Turkish language, is constantly forbidden to use words 
of purely religious signification which are the words used in 
the Bible and the only ones known to the people to express 
a given idea, because the idea is held by the censor to belong 
to Mohammedanism alone. Of such are " the guiding grace 
of God ; " forbidden, because Moslems do not admit that 
Christians can have this grace. " Good news," the literal 
translation used in the Bible of the Greek word " Evangelion," 
commonly rendered in English as the Gospel. The use of 
this word is prohibited, because Moslems do not admit that 
the Gospel of Jesus Christ is "good news." "Apostle" 
(resoul) is a word found in everyday Turkish law in its sense 
of messenger. It is prohibited in the Christian newspaper 
press, because it implies that the Apostles of Jesus Christ 
were sent of God, which Moslems deny. The same prohibi- 
tion, for Mohammedan religious reasons, lies upon the use, in 
Christian religious books or religious newspapers, of references 
to our Saviour as " the Saviour of the world " or to his shed- 
ding his blood for the cleansing from sin. 

" But aside from these interferences, the censors refuse to 
allow certain subjects of religious discourse to be presented 
to Christians. Thus the virtues of manliness, of moral 
courage, or resignation under affliction, of hope in God under 
adversity, are all subjects concerning which Christian religious 
books may not speak to Christians. The same is true of 
exhortations to benevolence, of practical suggestions to Chris- 
tians as to means of copying Jesus Christ in doing good to 
others, of suggestions of Christian evangelistic work among 



MINISTERS MOLESTED. 365 

the ignorant and degraded of the Christian communities, and 
of reference to Christian missions and their operations in 
other parts of the world. 

" Besides all this, Protestant ministers are molested in their 
services when they preach upon these normal themes of their 
religion. The Protestant pastor of Yuzgat was expelled from 
the place for no other offence. The Protestant pastor at 
Sungurlu was compelled to leave that town for preaching on 
the resurrection from the dead. The Protestant pastor from 
Gemerek is undergoing imprisonment in the fortress of St. 
Jean d'Acre for no other offence, to judge from the evidence 
produced at his trial. The Protestant pastor at Chakmak, 
near Cesarea, has just been thrown into prison ; and those 
who know his law-abiding and sterling character, assure us 
that his efforts to lead his flock into closer adherence to Bible 
Christianity are his only crime. Protestant pastors every- 
where declare that they are compelled, in choosing texts from 
the Bible, and in framing their exhortations upon them, to 
hesitate, and paraphrase, and weigh words, through fear that 
if they speak of the consolations of Christianity, they will be 
charged with encouraging discontent; if they urge resistance 
to sin, they will be condemned for suggesting resistance to 
the Turkish Government; or if they speak of the demand of 
Christianity for pure and noble character, they will be charged 
with inciting men to unlawful aspirations. On complaint 
being made of such restrictions upon the legitimate instruc- 
tion of Christians, officials in high position have answered 
that while provincial governors are constantly sending extracts 
from the Bible to prove the necessity of suppressing that book, 
Christians should be grateful for the privilege of being allowed 
to have the Bible, instead of complaining at being restricted 



366 QUESTION OF RESTRICTION. 

in making or publishing comments upon it. Yet when there 
has been removed from the instruction of Christians all 
reference to the requirements of Christianity for practical 
benevolent living and to its abundance of assurances of the 
Divine aid in adversity and of the rewards of resignation, and 
to the proofs of its power which are found in the experiences 
of the Church universal in different parts of the world, much 
has been done to prevent Christians from knowing the worth 
or experiencing the effects of their own religion in their own 

hearts." 

It might be said that this whole question of restriction of wor- 
ship, schools and the press, is looked at from the distinctively 
Turkish standpoint, and the claim made that the government 
legitimately sought to protect the Moslems from being infected 
with Christian ideas. The answer to this is found in the fact 
that the restrictions did not by any means apply merely to 
publications in the Arabic character, such as is used by all 
Moslems, but to publications which no Moslem ever could or 
would read, in the Armenian or Greek characters, or even in 
foreign languages. In the same line is the fact that attacks 
upon Christianity were freely allowed by the Turkish 
Government, while replies from Christians were distinctly for- 
bidden. These Moslem attacks were full of the most scurril- 
ous statements and contemptuous epithets, and were so 
maliciously false as to almost overshoot their mark. Still 
the authors of these works were decorated by the Sultan him- 
self, and every effort was made to give to them the widest 
possible circulation. So, also, in the Turkish newspapers, 
attacks after attacks were made upon the Christian subjects 
of the Sultan, to which absolutely no reply was allowed. The 
paper closes with the following summary : — 



KEVIEW OF THE CASE. 3°7 

- To review the case, we find an increasing stringency in 
Turkey directed against Christian education, an increasing 
tendency to hinder Christian worship, an increasing hostility 
to the use of hooks by the Christians of Turkey, which result 
in actually crippling the intellectual powers of men w .o would 
carry their culture along the lines of the best thought of Chris- 
tendom We find an increasing vigilance to prevent Chns- 
tians from exercising the injunctions of their religion in prac- 
tical benevolence and beneficence among their own people 
And in these later years we find this tendency reaching a 
climax of intensity in the rough hands laid upon the exposi- 
tion of the Christian faith in a way to prevent Christians from 
learning the full value of their religion and to prevent the 
Christian religion from producing its full fruit among its fo - 
lowers. In answer to inquiry as to the meaning of this 
rapid trend of different lines of policy converging to one 
point we are told that the trouble is that Christianity tends to 
make men grow into a better manhood. This statement >s 
made in various forms of paraphrase by officials of all grades 
from Bagdad to the Bosporus, and in answer to all objec- 
tions, to the closing of schools, to the suppression of worship 
to the restrictions put upon the use of books, to the elision of 
words and subjects from manuscripts in the press, and to the 
silencing of Christian ministers. To this declaration we make 
answer that the deliberate purpose of the founder of Chris- 
tianity and of the religion which He taught is the purpose to 
take the debased and ignorant, and to make them men, selt- 
controlled, honest and useful ; that the purpose to elevate man 
is not a disloyal or seditious purpose ; and that any lar- 
reaching scheme to restrain Christianity from accomplishing 
its full fruit in purifying and quickening the lives of .ts 
followers, is war upon the Christian religion itself. 



CHAPTER XX. 

The Sassun Massacre. 

A Deliberate Plan of The Turkish Government — Kurdish Raids — Armenians Defend 
Themselves — Kurds Reinforced by Regular Troops — Terrible Scenes of Slaughter — 
Stories of Survivors. 

IN view of the situation set forth in the preceding chapter 
the European powers emphasized more earnestly than 
before their demand for reforms, and the Turkish Government 
became convinced that another step was necessary in order 
to avert what they feared would be the complete destruction 
of their power. What that step was it is the object of this 
chapter to describe, leaving the inference as to the plan to 
come later. 

Among the different plains of Eastern Turkey there is none 
more fertile than the plain of Mush, about forty miles west of 
Lake Van. From the earliest times it has been noted for its 
harvests and for the general prosperity of its people, who 
partook, to a greater degree than was true of many other 
sections, of the vigor of the mountaineers. Bordered with 
high mountains on every side it was always an object of envy 
to the Kurdish tribes. Incursions had been repeatedly made 
and some result was manifest in the increase of Moslem vil- 
lages here and there over the plain. Still, however, it was 
the center of Armenian influence in that section ; even Bitlis 
and Van were scarcely more intensely Armenian than Mush. 

It was natural also that some of the revolutionists should 
(368) 



THE NEW ARMENIA. , 369 

turn their eyes to this section. Here if anywhere must be 
the center of the new Armenia, and an effort was undoubt- 
edly made to stir some of the people to a revolution in oppo- 
sition to the Turkish Government. The plain villagers, how- 
ever, furnished very little encouragement for anything of this 
kind'. They realized perhaps even more clearly than the 
mountaineers did that opposition to the combined force of the 
Turkish Government and the Kurdish tribes was worse than 
useless, and the agitators found themselves turned aside after 
accomplishing but very lil-le. They then turned their at- 
tention to the mountain villages where the spirit of independ- 
ence was more strongly manifest. In the summer of 1893 
one of these men was captured near the city of Mush, and the 
government had suspicion that friends of his were gathering 
in the mountains on the east. They accordingly sent word 
to certain Kurdish chiefs whose men had been enrolled in the 
Hamidieh cavalry to make a raid. Knowing the character of 
the mountaineers, these chiefs made their preparations some- 
what carefully. They gathered their men from every side, 
and it became evident to the Armenians that there was to be 
trouble. For a time there were simply ordinary raids ; ani- 
mals were carried off, occasionally a man was killed— some- 
times Armenian, sometimes Kurd. Ordinarily when a Kurd 
was slain his body was secured for burial before his people 
could come to claim it. 

At last there was a pitched battle in which the villagers 
were able to do considerable execution without heavy loss of 
life to themselves. The Kurdish chiefs finding themselves 
worsted withdrew, and no sufficient pressure could be brought 
to bear upon them to make them renew the contest. The 
Governor-GeneraJ of the province, however, with troops and 



37° 



A WORSE SITUATION. 



field pieces, infested the mountains but made no attack, pre- 
ferring apparently to come into parley with the Armenians. 
He asked them why they did not submit to the government 
and pay taxes. Their reply was that they were not at all dis- 
loyal to the government, but could not pay taxes twice, to 
Kurds and to the government. If the Turkish authorities 
would give protection, they were perfectly willing to pay the 
taxes. During the winter several of their leaders were in- 
vited to Mush but declined to accept. 

1 With the advent of the spring of 1894, the situation 
became worse. The government decided to make the advance 
and reiterated its instructions to the Kurdish chiefs to attack 
the whole section, west of the Mush plain and known now as 
Sas'sun, which included about forty villages. They came on 
every side and practically besieged the whole province. They 
stole animals, and the result was occasional contests in which 
one or more on either side fell. On one occasion the Kurds 
succeeded in securing the bodies of two of their comrades 
who had been killed, and carried them to the government at 
the city of Mush, reporting that the whole region was filled 
with armed men, who were defying the power of the govern- 
ment. Then followed a general attack upon the different 
villages. The Armenians had the better situation, and de- 
fended themselves with considerable success. The Kurds 
appeared to be unequal to the task of subduing them. The 
government reinforced them with soldiers, regular troops, but 
generally in disguise so as to retain as far as possible the 
appearance of the ordinary contests that had been going on 
for years between the villagers and the Kurdish chiefs. 
: Reinforced by these men, the Kurdish chiefs spread on every 
hand. They were assisted by the Turkish troops, not only in 



CAMPAIGN OF BUTCHERY. 371 

positive attack, but in stratagems the most outrageous. 
Companies of troops would enter a village, telling the Arme- 
nians that they had come for their protection. They were 
received and quartered in the different houses ; then in the 
night they rose and slew the villagers, men, women, and 
children. Realizing now the evident intent, the Armenians 
resolved to fight and sell their lives as dearly as possible. 
The result was that for nearly three weeks from the latter 
part of August there was a general campaign of butchery. 
So bitter was the contest, that the Governor of Mush, fearing 
that he had not sufficient force at hand, sent word to the 
general commander of the Turkish forces in Eastern Turkey, 
whose headquarters were at Erzingan, west of Erzrum, to 
gather what troops he could, to join with the troops already 
there, and the Kurds, in the fight. 

Word meanwhile had been sent to Constantinople, that all 
Eastern Turkey was in rebellion, and the Sultan had issued a 
firman, calling upon his loyal subjects to put down the rebellion 
at all hazards. This firman was in the hands of the Commander 
Marshal Zekki Pasha as he came to Mush. He read it before 
the troops, then placed it upon his breast, and exhorted the 
men to do their duty. Especially on the last day of August, 
which was the anniversary of the Sultan's accession to the 
throne, was this exhortation read, and by every means in his 
power he roused the troops to the bitterest attack. At this 
time all pretense of complaint of revolution was thrown aside. 
Villages against which no charge of disloyalty had ever been 
made, where there had been no trouble of any sort, suffered 
equally with those where there had been contests. The re- 
ceipt of taxes amounted to absolutely nothing. On every 
hand it was proclaimed that there must be a clean sweep ; 



372 BEGGING FOR MERCY. 

that the whole population of the Armenian district must be 
exterminated. In one village the priest, and some of the 
leading men, went out to meet the Turkish officer, declaring 
their loyalty, and begging for mercy. It was all to no avail., 
The village was surrounded and every man put to death. 
The stories of individual outrages were such as scarcely can 
be believed. Private letters, from persons well qualified to 
know the truth, many of which are quoted in full in "The 
Armenian Crisis in Turkey," by the Rev. F. D. Greene, give, 
instances almost too terrible for belief. We quote a few: 

" A number of able-bodied young Armenians were captured, 
bound, covered with brushwood and burned alive. A num- 
ber of Armenians, variously estimated, but less than a hun- 
dred, surrendered themselves and pled for mercy. Many of 
them were shot down on the spot and the remainder were 
dispatched with sword and bayonet. 

" A lot of women, variously estimated from 60 to 1 60 in num- 
ber, were shut up in a church, and the soldiers were " let loose " 
among them. Many of them were outraged to death and the 
remainder dispatched with sword and bayonet. A lot of 
young women were collected as spoils of war, Two stories 
are told. 1. That they were carried off to the harems of 
their Moslem captors. 2. That they were offered Islam and 
the harems of their Moslem captors ; refusing, they were 
slaughtered. Children were placed in a row, one behind an- 
other, and a bullet fired down the line, apparently to see how 
many could be despatched with one bullet. Infants and small 
children were piled one on the other and their heads 
struck off. Houses were surrounded by soldiers, set on fire, 
and the inmates forced back into the flames at the point of 
the bayonet as they tried to escape. 



TREATMENT OF WOMEN. 373 

"At Geligozan many young men were tied hand and foot, 
laid in a row, covered with brushwood and burned alive. 
Others were seized and hacked to death piecemeal. At 
another village a priest and several leading men were cap- 
tured, and promised release if they would tell where others 
had fled, but, after telling, all but the priest were killed. A 
chain was put around the priest's neck, and pulled from oppo- 
site sides till he was several times choked and revived, after 
which several bayonets were planted upright, and he raised in 
the air and let fall upon them. 

" The men of one village, when fleeing, took the women and 
children, some 500 in number, and placed them in a sort of 
grotto in a ravine. After several days the soldiers found 
them, and butchered those who had not died of hunger. 

"Sixty young women and girls were selected from one vil- 
lage, and placed in a church, when the soldiers were ordered 
to do with them as they liked, after which they were butchered. 

" In another village fifty choice women were set aside and 
urged to change their faith and become hanwns in Turkish 
harems, but they indignantly refused to deny Christ, prefer- 
ring the fate of their fathers and husbands. People were 
crowded into houses which were then set on fire. In one in- 
stance a little boy ran out of the flames, but was caught on a 
bayonet and thrown back." 

The following stories from survivors of the massacre will 
give a more vivid picture than any general description : 

STORY OF A SURVIVOR OF THE SASSUN MASSACRE. 

" My name is Asdadur Giragosian. My home was on 
the sunny side of a high mountain, in the central village of 



374 KURDISH RAIDS. 

the beautiful valley of Geligozan. This valley presents a 
charming scene when viewed from the top of one of the 
surrounding mountains, with many villages scattered here and 
there, and clumps of huge walnut trees between, giving the 
valley its name, ' Valley of Walnuts.' 

" Up to 1894 my family was a prosperous one, as were 
most of the families of Sassun. The Kurds who lived about 
us were, on the whole, friendly, though they frequently prac- 
ticed their habitual business of stealing cattle and sheep, but 
we were generally able to re-take our own, or others in their 
place. Our family consisted of twelve members, and we had 
many cattle and sheep. In the whole village were two hun- 
dred families, who possessed in the aggregate more than 
15,000 sheep. Of course each of the sixty Armenian villages 
in the Sassun district (of which 42 are now ruined) had many 
cattle and sheep. 

" In the spring of 1894 the Kurds began to drive away our 
sheep more boldly than usual. At the same time the gov- 
ernment, suspecting that there were many armed revolution- 
ists in Sassun, sent to search for them, but failed to find them. 
They then wished to arrest some of our notables and take them 
to Mush as revolutionists, saying, ' You have revolutionary so- 
cieties here.' We resisted and prevented their taking our 
men. As I said, the Kurds made several attacks that spring, 
carrying off our animals, and we pursued them and rescued 
the animals, killing one or two men, whom we buried so they 
could not find them. Twice they attacked with this result,' 
but the third time we were not able to bury the two Kurds we 
killed, and they carried them to Mush and showed them to 
the government. A great tumult resulted, and it was re- 
ported, ' The Armenians of Sassun have rebelled and massa- 



FIGHTS WITH KURDS. 375 

cred the Moslem inhabitants.' Also, ' They are armed with 
rifles and cannon.' The Turkish Government availed itself 
of the excuse, and instigated the Kurds to attack the Arme- 
nian villagers and massacre them. This they attempted to 
do, a large number attacking us, aided by many soldiers in 
disguise. But though the Kurds had been well armed by 
the government, we were able, owing to our superior position, 
to withstand them successfully for fifteen days. The Kurds 
were constantly repulsed, leaving many dead and wounded. 
During this time the Turkish soldiers were being rapidly col- 
lected in Merge-mozan. About twenty-five battalions of 
soldiers were gathered there. In these fights with the Kurds 
we lost only seven persons, but three Armenian villages were 
burned. 

"The assembled soldiers now began to attack. One day we 
heard the sound of their bugles, and for a whole day they con- 
tinued to advance with great tumult and besieged Geligozan 
on the sides. The road to a very high mountain named 
Andok was left open, and we were able to carry our families 
and animals there, but this in a hasty manner, while fighting 
with Turkish soldiers. Then the army divided, one part 
going toward Andok, the other coming toward us. We had 
already left the village and taken refuge among the rocks 
above it. Our position enabled us to withstand them all day, 
but we could see that they had burned the village of Husentsik, 
near our own. Toward evening they made a fiercer attack 
and got nearer us. Our ammunition was nearly exhausted, 
and we began to retreat. They now set fire to our village 
too, and from a distance, in the dark, we could see it burning. 
We fled to Andok, where our families and animals had been 
carried, but seeing that it was not a safe place to stay, we left 



376 FLEEING FOR LIFE. 

it, and after a day's journey over rocks and mountains, towards 
evening reached a ruined church. Here we passed the night, 
but in the morning soldiers appeared and we hastened our 
flight. All our goods and most of our animals we left there. 
Near evening we reached a mountain named Gala-rash (Black 
Castle). We were very tired and hungry, but had nothing to 
eat, so we killed a sheep and ate it. But few of the villagers 
were to be found, the greater part having fled to other places. 
From this place we fled in the dark to the neighboring Kur- 
dish village, where our Aghas (chiefs) lived. Before morning 
we learned that Aghpig was also burned. Our Kurdish 
Aghas came out from the village to defend us against the 
soldiers, but did not succeed, and returned to the village, and 
we were obliged to continue our journey, though tired and 
thirsty. 

" When it was possible to stop, our first care was to find 
water and kill a sheep for food. The following day we learned 
that Hedink also was burned. Hearing this we fled to 
Heghgat, and then to a near mountain. The next morning 
we heard that Heghgat was burned. We descended from 
the mountain into a valley up which we slowly retreated, 
changing our position every day. But on the third day our 
pursuers appeared, and we left all our sheep and fled with 
our cattle. Soon we left the cattle too. One of my brothers, 
Atam, fled with the family, while my other brother, his fifteen- 
year-old daughter, and I, lagged behind and entered a forest, 
but when they saw my brother, two soldiers fired and he fell 
dead. Hearing the noise, the girl cried out and they saw her 
and shot her dead also. Me they did not find, and towards 
evening I came out of the forest, and hurrying forward, 
reached the family and told them of my brother's and his 



3 3= a 

63 fS W 




SAVINGS. 379 

daughter's death. We wept aloud and spent the night dis- 
heartened, tired and hungry. In the morning, thinking the 
soldiers had turned back, we returned to a village to obtain 
food. I found my brother's body and buried it, but before I 
had time to bury the girl, the soldiers appeared. My remain- 
ing brother fled with the family, but I entered the forest. 
In the morning I found another refugee m the forest, who was 
seeking his family. He told me he had killed an ox, but had 
been obliged to leave it because the soldiers appeared. We 
were so hungry and faint that we could hardly walk, but we 
sought the ox and were about cooking some meat when sol- 
diers again appeared. 

"So we left the fire, climbed up the mountain, and hid be- 
hind some rocks. The soldiers saw us and two of them came 
to find us. We waited there for a few moments all trembling 
with terror. Suddenly a soldier appeared, aimed his gun at me 
and fired, the bullet piercing my leg. The other soldier also 
fired and pierced my thigh. Then they came up and severely 
wounded me with their short swords, in the shoulder and 
thigh. I shut my eyes and they thought me dead, and were 
about to depart when they saw my companion behind a rock ; 
they fired at him with true aim, and I heard his horrible cry 
as he fell. Before leaving us, one of the soldiers suspecting 
I was still living, proposed to cut my body to pieces, but his 
companion rejected the proposition, objecting that there was 
no water to wash the swords. So they merely threw some 
large stones at me, which fortunately did no special harm. 
When the soldiers were far enough away I spoke to my com- 
panion to see if he was living, and he answered very feebly 
saying he could neither walk nor move, and I was in the 
same condition. Oh ! our distress then ! Tired, hungry, 



3 8o 



TERRIBLE SUFFERING. 



thirsty, severely wounded, we should die in torture, or be the 
prey of wild beasts. I cried to the soldiers, 'We are still 
alive, come and put an end to our misery.' I cried but they 
did not hear me. 

" After a while two Armenian fugitives passed by and saw 
us, and we besought them to carry us to a ruined sheep-cote 
near by. They were so hungry and weak they could hardly 
walk, and said they were not able to carry us, but yielding to 
our entreaties, they made a great effort and carried us there, 
gave us some water and fresh cheese and departed. We re- 
mained there three days, these friends coming to us at night 
and going away in the morning. We soon saw that this was 
too dangerous a place to stay, as we constantly heard the 
sound of guns and bullets passing over our heads. So they 
transferred us to another ruin, where we were tortured by the 
heat by day and the cold by night, naked and wounded. Our 
friends did not do much for us, not believing we could live. 
After three days my companion's mother came, bringing 
some millet to cook for us, but going out to get some water, 
she heard the sound of bugles and fled, but soon returned 
and cooked it. The next day our brothers came with the 
woman and tried to cook some wheat, but were again fright- 
ened by the sound of the bugles and fled, my brother wishing 
to carry me with him, but I said, ' It is better for you and the 
family to escape. I must die.' Toward evening they came 
back and carried us on their shoulders to another place, 
where some other families had already taken refuge. Soon 
they were obliged to leave this place also, fleeing in haste, 
and left me there. I remained in this dreary place eight days 
alone with my suffering save that they sometimes brought me 
a little food. After the eight days we heard that a firman had 



ESCAPE. 381 

come ordering*- the massacre to cease. The soldiers then 
drove any fugitives they met, wounded or not, to the ruined 
villages. I remained thus among the ruins for two months, 
till my wounds were healed. As soon as I was strong enough, 
I left the ruins and slowly made my way to Vartenis (an 
Armenian village on the Mush plain). There I found my 
wife, but of the rest of the family I know nothing." 

With the man whose story is told above was a lad of 
seventeen years, named Serope Asdadurian, from the village 
of Mushakhshen, not far from Mush city. His statement 
shows the state of the region before the date of the massacre. 

STORY OF SEROPE ASDADURIAN. 

" Our family consisted of fifteen members, of whom four 
are now living, the others having died by the hands of the 
Kurds and Turks. 

"Before the year 1893 the brother of the celebrated robber 
chief, Mousa Bey, had abducted the daughter of the head 
man of our village. After a while the o-irl was rescued from 
his hands and married to a young man of Vartenis. In the 
spring of 1893 she visited her father's house, after which her 
father wished to send her, under safe escort, to her husband 
at Vartenis. He besought my father to carry her, and he ac- 
cepted the charge. On the way fifteen Kurds attacked the 
party and attempted to carry off the woman, but my father 
and his companions resisted, and delivered the woman safely 
to her husband, two of the Kurds being killed in the affray. 
My father fled to Russia, but soon returned, and for a month 
or so remained so concealed that no one saw him. After a 
while, however, it became known that he had returned, and 
suddenly one day the Mudir (Turkish petty governor) of the 



I 



382 A CRIMSON STORM. 

neighboring village surrounded our house with a band of 
zabtiehs (gendarmes) to seize my father. He knew that to 
be taken was probably to be killed with tortures, and deter- 
mined to sell his life as dearly as possible. So when the 
zabtiehs burst open the door and came in my father killed 
one of them and rushed out with his rifle. But in his haste 
he struck his head violently against the frame of the door and 
fell, nearly dead. One of the zabtiehs fired and killed him. 
They then killed my mother, my two sisters, my uncle and 
four cousins. They carried away our cattle and sheep, robbed 
the house and burned it." 

So the crimson storm of carnage rolled on, until not less 
than thirty villages had been laid waste, so completely de- 
stroyed that even the names had been erased from the official 
records. As to the number of killed it is almost impossible 
to give accurate estimate. It must have been not less than 
five or six thousand, many put it much higher. Some soldiers 
said that a hundred fell to each one of them to dispose of, 
while others wept because the Kurds did more execution than 
they. Some, however, claimed to have been unwilling actors 
in the scene and suffered great mental torments. The wife of 
one noticed that he failed to pray, as had been his invariable 
custom. She spoke of it to him and he answered, " God will 
not hear me. If there is a God he will take vengeance for 
these awful deeds. Is there any use to pray ? " It is also 
told of other soldiers that on reaching their homes they in- 
quired of Armenian acquaintances, "Who is this Jesus of 
Nazareth ? The Sassun women were constantly calling out 
to Him." 

At last the carnage stopped. The commander-in-chief of 
the fourth army corps at Erzingan reached the field in time 



ORDER RESTORED. 



383 



to save a few prisoners alive and to prevent the extermination 
of four more villages that were on the list to be destroyed. 
He then sent a telegram to Constantinople that rebellion had 
been overcome and that order had been restored in the province. 
For this he received a medal and the thanks of the Sultan. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Politics and Massacre at Constantinople. 

Investigation at Sassun — Mr. Gladstone on the Situation — Disturbances in Constantinople- 
Joint Notes by the Embassies — Plan of Reforms — New English Government — Massacre 
in Constantinople — Decisive Action of the Embassies — Signing of the Reforms — Subse- 
quent Acts of Defiance — Breach Between England and Russia — Collapse of English 
Influence. 

THE report of the massacres in Sassun aroused a storm 
of indignation throughout Europe. The British 
Consul at Van made investigation, confirmed the report of the 
massacres, which was again confirmed by the local military 
commander. The British Ambassador at Constantinople sent 
special officials to make public inquiries, with the result finally 
that the Turkish Government was informed that prompt, 
efficient steps must be taken to secure better government in 
Eastern Turkey, or she would join with European Powers in 
such intervention as would secure peace and justice for the 
Armenians. Meanwhile Czar Nicholas had come to the 
throne, and just what course would be taken by him was not 
yet evident. There were indications that he would pursue a 
different policy from his father, more in the line of general 
liberty and toleration, and there was a widespread feeling that 
the English demand was practically supported by Russia. A 
Turkish investigating commission was appointed, but its 
(384) 



A COMMISSION APPOINTED. 385 

personnel was such as to make it open to grave suspicion, 
and the British Consuls at Erzrum and Van were instructed 
to watch its course carefully. This suspicion was increased 
by the fact that the Turkish commander was decorated, and 
notwithstanding the repeated efforts of the Turkish Govern- 
ment to prevent the spread of news, the worst reports as to 
the massacres were confirmed all over the empire. At the 
same time the Turkish Government invited an American 
representative to attend the commission. President Cleveland 
declined to do this, but after negotiations with England de- 
cided to send, as an independent investigator, Consul Jewett, 
of Sivas. To this, however, the Turkish Government objected, 
and refused to give him the traveling papers. 

As matters became more clearly understood, reports were 
spread of a separate commission to represent England, Rus- 
sia, Austria, France and probably Germany, entirely apart 
from the commission appointed by the Turkish Government. 
This general intensity of feeling on the part of Europe 
aroused considerable anxiety among the Turks, and the re- 
sult was that a commission was at last appointed with regu- 
lar representatives of the different European Powers to at- 
tend it and insure that its investigations were carried on in 
an impartial and thorough manner. The anxiety, however, 
was by no means confined to the government. Throughout 
the empire word had been spread among the Moslems that 
the Christians, backed by the European Governments, were 
planning the overthrow of the Sultan. At the same time 
the Huntchagists redoubled their efforts. They evidently 
felt that a point had been reached at which they might make 
a strike. The result was that disturbances were reported 
from the whole region of Western Turkey, especially in the 



386 NEW PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 

vicinity of Zeitun, Marash and Adana. Destructive fires 
were started in several cities. The Moslems charged it upon 
the Armenians, the Armenians retorted the charge upon the 
Moslems, and the situation rapidly grew more intense even 
than it had been before. The next step of the Turkish Gov- 
ernment was to announce that a new plan of government 
had been adopted for the districts of Erzrum, Van, Bitlis 
and Mush. These four were to be made a single province 
with a Mussulman governor appointed for five years, to be 
succeeded by Christians, who, however, were not to be Ar- 
menians. The gendarmerie were to be recruited from the 
district and commanded by a general named by the Sultan ; 
local revenues were to be retained by the provinces except 
one annual contribution to the Porte ; judges were to be 
elected and local ministries of education and public works 
were to be formed. This was largely as the result of the 
intense feeling roused in England, which was expressed by 
Mr. Gladstone in response to a deputation of Armenians from 
Paris and London on his eighty-fifth birthday, December 29, 
1894. 

" The history of Turkey has been a sad and painful history. 
That race has not been without remarkable, and even in some 
cases, fine qualities, but from too many points of view it has 
been a scourge to the world, made use of, no doubt, by a wise 
Providence for the sins of the world. If these tales of mur- 
der, violation and outrage be true, then it will follow that 
they cannot be overlooked, and they cannot be made light of. 
I have lived to see the Empire of Turkey in Europe reduced 
to less than one-half of what it was when I was born, and 
why ? Simply because of its misdeeds — a great record written 
by the hand of Almighty God, in whom the Turk, as a Mo- 



Gladstone's views. 387 

hammedan, believes, and believes firmly — written by the hand 
of Almighty God against injustice, against lust, against the 
most abominable cruelty; and if — and I hope, and I feel sure, 
that the government of the Queen will do everything that 
can be done to pierce to the bottom of this mystery, and to 
make the facts known to the world — if, happily — I speak 
hoping against hope — if the reports we have read are to be 
disproved or to be mitigated, then let us thank God ; but if, 
on the other hand, they be established, then I say it will more 
than ever stand before the world that there is no lesson, how- 
ever severe, that can teach certain people the duty, the pru- 
dence, the necessity of observing in some degree the laws of 
decency, and of humanity, and of justice, and that if allega- 
tions such as these are established, it will stand as if it were 
written with letters of iron on the records of the world, that 
such a government as that which can countenance and cover 
the perpetration of such outrages is a disgrace in the first 
place to Mohammed, the Prophet whom it professes to follow, 
that it is a disgrace to civilization at large, and that it is a 
curse to mankind. Now, that is strong language. 

" Strong language ought to be used when facts are strong, 
and ought not to be used without strength of facts. I have 
counselled you still to retain and to keep your judgment in 
suspense, but as the evidence grows and the case darkens, 
my hopes dwindle and decline; and as long as I have a voice, 
I hope that voice, upon occasion, will be uttered on behalf 
of humanity and truth." 

Soon after came the formation of a commission, which was, 
however, so constituted as not to inspire the greatest confi- 
dence, the foreign representatives not being of high rank. 
However, it was better than nothing, and the general feeling 
23 



388 DISCOVERIES BY THE COMMISSION. 

was that its report would be awaited with interest. Mean- 
while there came notices of disturbance elsewhere. There 
was a rising of the Christians in Albania, and considerable 
trouble in Bulgaria, where the Russian power was made 
manifest by the appearance upon the scene of Mr. Zankoff, 
who had been practically an exile for some time. The com- 
mission had started, and by the middle of February was 
thoroughly established in its work in Mush. On its way to 
that place it made some interesting discoveries. At the 
village of Bulanik some of the Armenian villagers came to 
the European members and reported that Turkish soldiers 
were at that time engaged in extorting money from villagers 
by threats of reporting them as rebels. The commission sent 
a polite invitation to the commander, asking him to come 
and answer a few questions. Instantly the whole body fled 
in every direction, evidently supposing that they would not 
be interfered with. This was a fair illustration of the kind 
of extortion carried on through the whole of Eastern Tur- 
key. Those who made any difficulty were imprisoned, until 
it was said that there was scarcely a single Armenian of 
prominence in the city of Bitlis who was not in prison, 
while Armenian ecclesiastics of every grade were arrested. 
This fact also illustrates the nature of the charges of the 
government with regard to insurrection among the Arme- 
nians. At Khnus the commission found some genuine refu- 
gees whom they took along with them to Mush. 

At the same time attention was diverted to the region of 
Marash, so far as appears, there was no special charge of 
insurrection, but a general uprising. The houses of the 
American missionaries were entered by force and searched for 
arms, which naturally they did not find. Complaint was sent 



MURDERS IN CONSTANTINOPLE. 389 

to Constantinople and demands were made through the 
American Legation for protection. Similarly at Nicomedia a 
French Catholic complained that his domicile had been vio- 
lated and that he himself had been arrested by the Turks. 
The French ambassador, standing firm upon the capitulations 
accorded to his government, demanded the removal of the 
governor, the punishment of the officers and a public apology 
to the priest. The Turks objected, but finally yielded. Even 
Constantinople was not safe. An American citizen passing 
through the streets, only a short distance from the Sultan's 
palace, was stabbed and killed by a Turkish soldier, who had 
also seriously wounded sixteen others. A day or two later 
another Turk in a theatre got into a quarrel with an English- 
man and endeavored to kill him. The Englishman escaped, 
but a student friend who rose to defend him, was struck 
down with a single blow of the Turk's knife. The chief 
value of these incidents was that the government made every 
effort to excuse the criminals, and would give no punishment 
except under pressure. The official statement as to the man 
who murdered the American was, that the soldier had got 
into a quarrel with one of his comrades and merely stabbed 
the sixteen Christians on the supposition that they were try- 
ing to catch him. The absurdity of this is evident from the 
fact that one of them was an Armenian girl, standing on the 
steps of her own home ; another was a milkman, whom the 
soldier asked, 'Are you a Christian or a Moslem ? " and on 
being told that he was a Moslem let him go. 

For some weeks there was no special change in the situa- 
tion, though the relations between Turks and Christians were 
constantly more serious, so that the council of the Armenian 
Patriarchate at Constantinople presented a memorial to the 



3<p INSTANCES OF ILL-TREATMENT. 

Sultan, urging him to cease the constant ill treatment which 
the Armenians suffered at the hands of the Turkish officers. 
It was not surprising that the memorial was returned with a 
request that it be modified in form. How needful it was, 
however, was manifest from the following facts reported from 
a city a short distance from Constantinople. An Armenian 
pastor and teacher were arrested and imprisoned on the 
charge of having seditious letters, which letters, when read, 
were shown to be simply private correspondence. One man 
was imprisoned for two weeks because his name suggested a 
similarity to an address to which a telegram was sent saying, 
" Come at once." An Armenian was forced to sell his house 
at only a trifle over half value, because a pasha wanted 
it for one of his wives. A traveler happening to meet 
an official on the road was turned back and impris- 
oned for a week on no charge whatever, and re- 
leased only on the payment of three Turkish pounds. 
These are but illustrations of what was going on near Con- 
stantinople. In the region of Dersim, north of Sivas and 
Harput, the Kurds seemed to have made special effort to 
search for proofs of sedition. In two villages papers were 
found stating that a certain order for arms had been filled and 
forwarded. No weapons were discovered, however, and sub- 
sequently a Turk confessed that he had himself forged the 
papers. Notwithstanding this, fifty people, thirty from one 
village, were imprisoned, of whom a number died. Every- 
where throughout Asia Minor the Christians were in constant 
fear of the Turks, who were stirred by their priests to provide 
themselves with arms in order to be ready for any emergency, 
which the priests assured them would come as the result of 
the efforts of the Christians, supported by European powers, 



PRESSURE FOR REFORMS. 391 

to overthrow the Turkish Government. For a time there 
seemed to be hope of better things. The Turkish Govern- 
ment revoked some of its appointments of notoriously unfit 
men, and the commission at Mush were making- increasing re- 
ports of the situation, which aroused repeated and indignant 
protests throughout Europe. It became apparent that the 
moral sense of the Christian Powers was awake, and the 
Porte understood very well that that could not be ignored. 
The British Government had definitely announced its inten- 
tion to secure protection for Christians throughout the 
empire. At the same time United States cruisers arrived on 
the coast, and in interviews with the Turkish governors made 
it very apparent that protection to Americans must be se- 
cured. The immediate result of this was the release of a 
large number of ecclesiastics who had been confined in vari- 
ous fortresses, and who, though for some time under surveil- 
lance in Constantinople, were practically at liberty. The 
summer thus passed by with a generally better condition and 
there were strong hopes that reforms would actually be insti- 
tuted, especially as reports came that Great Britain, France 
and Russia had united in a joint note to the Porte, stating the 
reforms which they insisted upon for the better conduct of 
the government in the interior. A complete statement of 
these reforms is hardly necessary here. In the main they fol- 
lowed the line of the different promises that had been made 
previously. Among the most important provisions were the 
following : 

"A High Commissioner, appointed with the assent of the 
Powers, is to have general supervision over the whole empire, 
with the assistance of a commission sitting in Constantinople; 
the provinces of Eastern Turkey are to have Mohammedan 



392 ANSWER LONG DELAYED. 

or Christian governors, according to the preponderance of 
population, the vice-governor to be of different faith from the 
governor; taxes are to be collected by local and municipal 
agents instead of by soldiers or treasury agents, and the 
provinces are to retain enough funds for their own adminis- 
tration, and send the balance to Constantinople ; there is to 
be a general amnesty for crimes and offences other than 
those against the common law ; pending political trials are to 
stop and the prisoners are to be released ; imprisonment 
without special warrant is forbidden and speedy trial assured, 
together with release in case of acquittal ; the number of 
Christian judges is to be increased in proportion to the Chris- 
tian population ; Christians are to serve equally with Moslems 
in the gendarmerie; conversion to Islam by force is forbidden, 
and general freedom of religious confession is to be secured ; 
the powers of magistrates are to be extended, and the 
local courts are to be under the supervision of a delegation 
from the Court of Appeals." 

The position taken by the Ottoman Government with re- 
gard to these reforms was not such as to inspire much of hope. 
Answer was long delayed ; furthermore, there was a change 
of ministry, the new Grand Vizier being one well known as anti- 
English in his policy and warmly supporting Russia. The 
one selected as Minister of Foreign Affairs was also president 
of the commission to investigate the Sassun massacre. 

Meanwhile trouble had arisen in Arabia, there beinof 
attacks upon the English, French and Russian Consuls at 
Jeddah. The whole Moslem world seemed to be on the 
verge of an outbreak. The British Government was strength- 
ening its garrisons in the Mediterranean and in Egypt, and 
there was a very general belief that it was ready to take ex- 



SITUATION EXTREMELY UNCERTAIN. 393 

treme steps, even to the extent of occupying the Dardanelles, 
and perhaps the Bosporus in case of necessity. At last the 
reply of the Turkish Government came, acceding to the gen- 
eral principle of control by the Powers of the plan of reforms, 
but asking that the period be limited to three years. As if, 
however, to complicate matters still more, reports came of an 
uprising in Macedonia. Bulgarian emissaries had apparently 
been at work among their brethren under Turkish rule, ex_ 
citing revolt and urging annexation. The result was manifest 
in incursions across the mountains, and notice was given by 
the Bulgarian Government that it might be compelled to take 
decisive action with regard to the disturbances. Underneath 
all this there was generally recognized to be Russian, and per- 
haps Austrian influence, so that the general situation was 
uncertain in the extreme. 

Just at this time, in July, came the overthrow of the liberal 
government in England, and the return of the conservatives 
to power. Hitherto the conservative policy toward Turkey 
had always been aggressive, and every one expected that 
tradition would be respected. In anticipation of this, the 
Sultan's Government sent conciliatory answers in regard to 
reforms, stating that they proposed to apply them to the 
entire empire ; appoint Christian assessors to assist provin- 
cial governors • make the selection of under-officials from both 
Mussulmans and Christians, improve prisons, check the ex- 
cesses of Kurds, etc. In Tarsus a mob attacked the building of 
St. Paul's Institute, and in other portions of the country there 
was manifest a great deal of tension of feeling. The Huntcha- 
gists again stirred themselves, and in Marsovan murdered two 
prominent Armenians, one a Protestant, the other a Grego- 
rian. They also committed various murders in Constanti- 



394 HOSTILITY TO THE GOVERNMENT. 

nople, and threatened the life of the Patriarch because he re- 
fused to endorse their scheme for absolute independence. 
About this time also became increasingly manifest the bitter 
feeling on the part of the Turks themselves against their own 
government. Reports spread for the past year by the Moslem 
priests that the Sultan's rule was in danger, and that the 
Christians were planning to overcome the Moslem power, 
combined with the increasing taxation and the great injustice 
from which in many sections of the empire Moslems suffered 
not less than Christians, stirred the Young Turkey Party to 
an increasing degree of bitterness. Just to what extent this 
party was organized it has never been possible to learn ; that 
remains for the future historian. It is, however, a fact that 
everywhere throughout the empire there was hostility not 
merely against the Christians, but against the Turkish Gov- 
ernment for its failure to do justice to the Moslems even at 
the expense of Christians. Just at this time came Mr. 
Gladstone's famous address at Chester, in which he summed 
up very clearly the situation; under the treaty of 1856 the 
Powers of Europe had a right, clear and indisputable, to 
march into the country and take the government of it out of 
the hands of the Turks ; England had a special right under 
the treaty of 1878 (the Cyprus Convention) and a special 
duty, from the fact that the making of promises in treaties 
carries with it the obligation to compel the keeping of the 
promises ; the whole situation, therefore, he summed up in the 
three words : coercion, must and ought. The last he claimed 
had absolutely no meaning ; must, he said, is fairly understood, 
but the first is the one that is thoroughly appreciated. 

One of the first manifestations of spirit of the new English 
Government was the sending of an English fleet to the vicin- 




•< v^ 



SCO 
~ 1) 1/5 




England's firm attitude. 397 



ity of the Dardanelles and there was a general feeling that 
ao-gressive action would be taken. Here, however, appeared 
atew phase. Having practically accepted the principle of 
European control, the Sultan now denounced it, saying that 
it was derogatory to his dignity and that it would endanger 
his own control over his empire. In this connection also he 
made complaint to France and Russia of the position taken 
by England. They indeed did not give him encouragement, 
but from this time it became questionable whether the con- 
cert of the three Powers which had been supposed to be firm 
was really so. Meanwhile relief work had been going on 
and a special commission had been sent into Eastern Turkey 
to manage the question of relief. This will be referred to 
later, but reference must be made to it here to show the 
peculiar situation in which England was placed. She was 
manifesting her deepest sympathy with the Armenians, was 
apparently taking steps to coerce the Sultan and had made, 
or was on the point of making, propositions for his deposi- 
tion. So far as appears, she was doing all that could pos- 
sibly be expected. The next step was equally strong. It 
was asserted that, in an interview with the Turkish ambas- 
sador at London, Lord Salisbury had announced that the re- 
fusal on the part of the Turkish Government to execute 
Article 61 of the Treaty of Berlin would be the signal of the 
dismemberment of the empire. This was indeed denied the 
next day, but it was generally believed to be virtually true, 
and the immediate issuing by the Sultan of a note stating 
the concessions he was willing to make with regard to the 
administration of the eastern provinces of his empire indi- 
cated that some extra pressure had been brought to bear 
upon him. Those concessions were not of remarkable char- 



398 INCREASING UNEASINESS. 

acter, merely in the line of what had repeatedly been said 
and repeatedly promised. It was evident, however, that 
there was increasing uneasiness throughout the empire. 
Next came reports that Russia and France had intimated 
their acceptance of the Sultan's proposals, while Great 
Britain insisted that they were incomplete. Fresh outrages 
were said to have started up throughout the empire. De- 
spatches from the region of Erzingan spoke of a band of 
brigands attacking a company of Turkish soldiers, where- 
upon the authorities decided that the assailants were Ar- 
menian revolutionaries, and sent a force of 1,000 Turks to 
the Armenian village of Kemakh, the result being- that five 
villages were pillaged, several thousand persons rendered 
homeless, men tortured, women and children assaulted and 
four monasteries attacked. There were also reports of an 
organization among- the Turkish minor officials to attack the 
Christians on every hand if the government should defi- 
nitely accept the scheme of reforms. For a couple of weeks 
there was apparent quiet, when the civilized world was as- 
tounded by the report of a massacre in Constantinople itself. 
The long delay in effecting any result favorable to good 
order in Turkey from the negotiations respecting reform 
gave opportunity for the Huntchagists. At the same time 
the Turks were exasperated by the long continuance of the 
English fleet near the Dardanelles. The Armenians said that 
England and Russia had quarrelled. The Turks were in- 
clined to believe also that there was weakness and fear on 
the part of the English, else the passage of the Dardanelles 
would be risked. Then came reports of all sorts. The 
Huntchagists circulated a story that the English Ambassador 
desired to have a few Armenians killed in the streets of 



TERRIBLE SCENES. 399 

Constantinople in order to have an excuse for bringing in the 
fleet. On Monday, October 1st, a procession of Armenians 
was formed, including perhaps 200, some armed with revol- 
vers, but the greater part entirely peaceable men, and even 
those who were armed were for the most part ignorant of the 
use of their weapons. They started to the offices of the 
Sublime Porte to present their petition for relief from the 
terrible oppression under which their nation was suffering. 
Such petition was entirely in accord with the time-honored 
customs of Turkey. It was, however, not difficult to give it 
an illegal appearance, and taken in connection with various 
threats, it is scarcely surprising that the Turkish Government 
was alarmed. The police were drawn up hastily and the 
Armenians were ordered to disperse. In some way or other 
firing commenced, the Turks say by the Armenians, the 
Armenians charge it upon the Turks. There was an attack 
upon the men by the police and a number of persons were 
killed before the procession was broken up. Once started, 
however, the disturbance was not easily stopped. It spread 
through different parts of the city. The Softas gathered 
from their Mosques and started on a riot through the streets 
armed with clubs. They attacked any Armenians they could 
find, knocking them down, wounding them severely and 
sometimes killing them ; even attacking those who were 
already prisoners in the hands of the police. Through all 
that day and night and the next day this situation continued. 
During Tuesday night a number of attacks on Armenians in 
their lodging-places were made and from 70 to 80 were thus 
killed in cold blood. The whole number of killed is 
estimated at about 200 and most of them absolutely innocent 
of any action hostile to the government. The Turks, how- 



400 



TAKING REFUGE IN CHURCHES. 



ever, were thirsting for Christian blood and the Armenians 
were in a panic. The government sent for the Armenian 
Patriarch, but told him that none of his followers would be 
permitted to accompany him. He therefore declined the 
invitation and remained at his palace, where he was practi- 
cally imprisoned, together with a large number of Armenians. 
In the main streets for two or three days there was apparently 
no difficulty, but on a side street it was not safe for an 
Armenian to be seen. The panic spread into the European 
quarter and 21 Armenian laborers at the glass works in 
Pera were killed. Multitudes took refuge in the churches, 
and in one case an effort was made to break through the 
walls, apparently to allow the Moslems free entrance to the 
church. Under the lead of the British Ambassador the 
foreign representatives acted promptly. The Dragoman of 
the English Embassy, under orders from Sir Philip Currie, 
visited the patriarchate to express sympathy with the 
Armenians. Sir Philip insisted upon the prompt acceptance 
of the scheme of reforms and demanded that every effort be 
made to restore order. For several days, however, it was 
impossible to persuade the terror-stricken Armenians to leave 
the churches where they were taking refuge, and it was not 
until the ambassadors sent their own officials to the churches, 
giving their personal pledges for safety, that the churches 
were cleared and quiet was re-established in the city. Just 
at this time there came a change in the government and Said 
Pasha gave place to Kiamil Pasha, one of the ablest states- 
men Turkey has ever known, and who was identified with the 
best interests of the empire. This, however, was attended 
by the sending to the Softas from the Sultan's palace of 
several hundred sheep and a quantity of delicacies as a 



RESULT OF THE DISTURBANCE. 40I 

reward for their loyalty. The flame once started in Constanti- 
nople, spread rapidly throughout the empire. The record of 
the massacres is contained in the following chapters. We 
confine ourselves here to a general survey of the political 
events following, until March, 1896. 

The immediate result of the disturbance at Constantinople 
politically was the approval and signing by the Sultan of the 
scheme approved by the embassies for reforms in Turkey 
by the Sultan. This aroused great opposition among the 
Moslems in Constantinople and corresponding delight 
throughout the empire. It was not certain, however, what 
the general result would be. The Sultan claimed that it was 
done under compulsion and evidently cared very little about 
the reforms being carried out. At the same time came 
threats of the assassination of the Sultan on the part of the 
Albanian guards in the palace, and the general situation in 
the capital being serious, the embassies made a demand for 
additional guardships for their own protection and the pro- 
tection of the foreign residents. Further than this there was 
no indication of positive action on the part of the European 
Powers, and the conviction grew rapidly that a breach had 
formed between Russia and England and that nothing prac- 
tical would be done. With the constantly repeated reports 
of massacres throughout the empire and the increased de- 
mands of the foreign Powers came another change in the 
ministry. Kiamil Pasha was summarily and very harshly 
dismissed and ordered to Aleppo. He appealed for protec- 
tion to the ambassadors and receiving some support was 
sent to Aldin, a more favorable post. 

The most significant item in the early part of November 
was a speech by Lord Salisbury, at the Lord Mayor's ban- 



402 



CONDITION OF CHAOS. 



quet, in which he expressed the hope that the Sultan would 
grant justice to the Armenians and secure their prosperity, 
peace and safety, but intimated very clearly that if he did 
not, it would be the ruin of his empire. The fact that this 
was coincident with the sending of the French Mediter- 
ranean squadron to the Levant and the massing of the Rus- 
sian troops through the Caucasus, gave an impression that 
positive intervention was nearer than at any time before. 
It was asserted in the English papers that a joint ultimatum 
would be presented to the Sultan transferring the internal 
government to persons trusted by the Powers, and that in 
case of refusal the combined squadrons would advance on 
Constantinople. On the other hand, the Sultan was reported 
as terrified at the increasing bitterness against him on the 
part of the Turks ; as improving every opportunity to deco- 
rate and advance men who had been identified with the out- 
rages, and in general as holding an attitude of defiance. The 
time passed by, however, with no positive action. News 
came of massacres at Harput, Marash, Aintab and elsewhere, 
with increasing proofs of the complicity, to say the least, of 
the Turkish authorities. The man who was more than any 
other identified with the worst oppression in the province of 
Van was made governor of Aleppo, and there seemed to 
be on every side a condition of chaos. Some defended the 
Sultan, claiming that while he would be glad to stop the dis- 
turbances, he was powerless, the movement having become 
a popular movement and having gone clear beyond any 
ability of his to check it. The next phase was the discus- 
sion in regard to the admission of the guardships. The de- 
mand was entirely within the rights of the embassies, but 
the Sultan hesitated on the ground that it would exasperate 



FLIGHT OF SAID PASHA. 4°3 

the Moslem communities, and the European Governments 
hesitated to press the point. The result was, that more and 
more it became evident that there was on the one hand no 
cordial, united action between the European Governments, 
and on the other that the disturbances throughout the empire 
were under the direct orders of the Turkish Government. A 
significant event was the fleeing of the ex-Grand Vizier, Said 
Pasha, to the British Embassy for protection, on the ground 
that his life was in danger. He was kept there for some 
time and only left on specific assurance from the Sultan him- 
self. Meanwhile on every hand reports of the situation in the 
interior increased in seriousness, but the government persist- 
ently denied them and spread the most atrocious lies with 
regard to the whole state of the country ; declared that in 
every case the Armenians had risen in defiance of the Turk- 
ish Government, and that where massacre had been reported 
there was simply a little disturbance. 

The close of the year 1895 found everything in the empire 
in a state of uncertainty. The fleets had withdrawn, and 
there seemed to be no plan of action on the part of the various 
Powers, while the Turkish Government was doing its best by 
repeated falsehoods to arouse the Moslem populace to a high 
pitch of exasperation. At the same time the Turkish army 
was suffering from lack of pay, soldiers not receiving their 
wages and having no clothing or adequate food. A revolt of 
the Druzes in Syria called a large number of troops to the 
south, but it was difficult to secure military discipline among 
them. Meanwhile the widespread destitution resulting upon 
the massacres had called the earnest attention of Europe and 
of America, and appeals were made for assistance. This was 
at first refused by the Turkish Government, which would not 



404 REPORT OF THE COMMISSION. 

even permit the Red Cross to enter the country, claiming that 
there was no war and no necessity ; that the story of sufferings 
had been greatly exaggerated, and that the whole thing was 
the direct result of Armenian revolution. The month of 
January passed without any special change. The guardships 
were admitted, but the long delay had deprived the matter of 
any great significance. Then came reports of the secret 
treaty between Russia and Turkey, by which Russia would 
guarantee the Sultan's Government and in turn receive free 
passage for her fleets through the straits, which would be 
closed by Turkey to other nations. These reports were 
officially denied, but it was generally believed that there was 
basis for them. Early in February the report of the com- 
mission investigating the massacre at Sassun were issued. 
The actual statements confirmed the story of the outrages, 
showed that no steps were taken by troops to stop the Kurds, 
that in fact the soldiers and Kurds alike were the authors of 
the burning of entire villages ; they also showed that there 
was no proof of revolt on the part of the Armenians. In the 
middle of February, Parliament assembled, and in the speech 
from the throne, which sets forth the general policy of the 
government, was the following clause in reference to Turkey: 

"The Sultan of Turkey has sanctioned the principal reforms 
in the government of the Armenian provinces, for which, 
jointly with the Emperor of Russia and the President of the 
French Republic, I have felt it to be my duty to press. I 
deeply regret the fanatical outbreak on the part of a section 
of the Turkish population which has resulted in a series of 
massacres which have caused the deepest indignation in this 
country." 

This clause aroused very strong criticism by the liberals, 



RUSSIAN AND FRENCH OPPOSITION. 405 

but Lord Salisbury claimed that it was impossible for the 
government to have done more, and intimated distinctly that 
Russia and France had refused to co-operate, and had dis- 
tinctly said that they would resist any attack on the part of 
England to bring coercion to bear on the Turkish Empire. 



24 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Massacres at Trebizond and Erzrum. 

Importance and General Prosperity of Both Cities — Threats by the Turks — Terror Among 
the Armenians — Suddenness of the Attacks — Murder and Pillage by Regular Soldiers, 
? Under the Eye of Foreign Consuls — Ferocity of the Turks — Testimony of Eye-Witnesses— 
i Terrible Scenes at the Burial of the Victims. 

THE city of Trebizond is one of the most beautifully 
situated in the Turkish Empire. On the eastern end of 
the Black Sea, occupying the southern slope of a picturesque 
range of mountains, which extends all the way from Constan- 
tinople to the Persian border, it has been since the time of 
Xenophon one of the most important places of the region. 
For centuries it was the starting-point of caravans to Persia, 
and all the Persian trade passed through its harbor, notwith- 
standing that that scarcely deserved the name, being little 
more than an open roadstead. The city itself has grown far 
beyond the original bounds, and there has seemed to be less 
of that fear which compelled the crowding together of the 
houses. Up the valleys of the mountains, and along the coast 
on either side, there extend gardens and vineyards, with 
many pleasant residences. Its population of about 45,000 is 
divided between Turks, Armenians and Greeks, the Turks 
being in a bare majority, and the Armenians somewhat out- 
numbering the Greeks. There are also consular representa- 
tives of the principal European countries, as well as of the 
United States. Up till within a few years trade has been 

brisk and the people acquired a reputation throughout the 
(406) 



COMMERCIAL INFLUENCE. 407 

East for shrewdness of dealing. After the treaty of Berlin, 
and the occupation of Batum by the Russians, considerable 
trade that had formerly passed through Trebizond was di- 
verted to Batum, and the wagons of the Circassians took the 
place of the mule and horse caravans of the overland route 
by way of Erzrum and Van. An effort was made to relieve 
the situation by the building of a very good carriage road 
over the mountain, south to Erzrum, a distance of about 
180 miles. But the increasing disturbances in the region 
of Van, and over the mountains to Khoi and Tabriz proved 
more than an offset for the building of the road, and trade 
once diverted could to only a limited degree be brought 
back again into the old channel. Thus Trebizond has lost 
not a little of its importance. It is still, however, a city 
of considerable influence and its people are looked upon 
with more or less suspicion by the Turkish Government. Its 
proximity to Russia brought it within reach of the Russian 
Armenian agitators, and although the general tone of the 
Armenian community was thoroughly conservative there was 
sufficient noise made to create an impression of disturbance. 
The events in Constantinople narrated in the previous chapter 
created excitement all over the empire, and it was natural that 
in Trebizond the feeling should be quite intense. 

About October 2d, two days after the disturbance in Con- 
stantinople, an Armenian, supposed to be a revolutionist, made 
a personal attack upon Bahri Pasha, the former governor of 
Van, who had been dismissed in consequence of the pressure 
brought to bear by the English Government after the disturb- 
ances at Sassun. It was said that the attack was purely a 
personal matter, the man seeking vengeance for injustice 
done to himself and his family in the city of Van. The 



408 



DISTURBANCE. 



Turks, however, took for granted that it was another move in 
the same line as that at Constantinople and the disturbances 
early in the year at Marsovan. Coincident with this was the 
arrival of the news from Constantinople and the excitement 
on every hand was greatly increased. The Turks seemed to 
believe that all the Armenians were banded together and in 
armed rebellion against the government, represented that 
they were afraid of an attack from the Armenians, and 
even in some cases took measures to put their families in 
places of safety. 

On Friday night, October 4th, there were extensive move- 
ments of armed men on the streets. At about 1 1 o'clock 
they seemed to disperse and nothing specially worthy of men- 
tion occurred through the night. On Saturday night, Oct. 
5th, the excitement in town was very intense. The European 
Consuls had a consultation and going in a body to the gover- 
nor, earnestly pressed him to arrest those who were exciting 
the people to acts of outrage. This he declined to do, 
but promised in his own way to do the right thing. Until 
Monday, Oct. 7th, matters seemed to be quieting down when 
an incident stirred up the excitement anew. On the previous 
Friday night, the son of a leading Turk of the town was 
wounded on the street, some say by one of his companions, 
others that he was shot by an Armenian whom he was trying 
to arrest. On Monday he died and the funeral revived 
the excitement in an intensified form, and loud and many were 
the threats of massacre that night, and hundreds of the 
Armenians rushed to places of safety. Nothing occurred, 
perhaps, on account of rain. The next morning, October 8th, 
all dispersed in the hope that the danger was past. Men 
went to their shops, and were encouraged to open them 



INHUMAN BUTCHERIES. 409 

as they had not done for two or three previous days. Sud- 
denly, like a clap of thunder in a clear sky, the blow fell at 
about 1 1 a. m., Oct. 8th. Unsuspecting people walking along 
the streets were shot ruthlessly down. Men standing or 
sitting quietly at their shop doors were instantly dropped with 
a bullet through their heads or hearts. Their aim was deadly 
and there were few, if any, wounded men. Some were slashed 
with swords until life was extinct. They passed through 
the quarters where only old men, women and children re- 
mained, killing the men and large boys, generally permitting 
the women and younger children to live. For five hours this 
horrid work of inhuman butchery went on, the cracking 
of musketry, sometimes like a volley from a platoon of 
soldiers, but more often single shots from near and distant 
points, the crashing in of doors, and the thud, thud, of sword 
blows sounded on the ear. 

Then the sound of musketry died away and the work 
of looting began. Every shop of an Armenian in the market 
was gutted, and the victors in this cowardly and brutal war 
loaded themselves with the spoils. For hours bales of broad- 
cloth, cotton goods and every conceivable kind of merchandise 
passed along without molestation to the houses of the spoil- 
ers. The intention evidently was to impoverish, and as near 
as possible to blot out the Armenians of the city. So far as ap- 
pearances went the police and soldiers distinctly aided in this 
savage work. They were mingled with the armed men, and so 
far as could be seen, made not the least effort to check them. 
Apparently they took care to see that the right ones — that is, 
Armenians, were killed ; also that an offer of surrender might 
be made to all that were found unarmed. To any found with 
arms no quarter was given, but large numbers were shot 



4IO MASSACRES SPREADING TO VILLAGES. 

down without any proffer of this kind. This talk of surrender 
would seem to be on the supposition that all were in an attitude 
of resistance. One poor fellow when called on to surrender, 
thought he was called on to give up his religion, and when he 
refused he was hacked to pieces in the presence of his 
wife and children. The next day the city was in a great stir 
because news had come that the village Armenians, thoroughly 
armed, were on their way to attack the town. The real fact, 
however, seemed to be that the massacre was extending 
to the villages, though the constant effort was to show that 
this affair was only the quelling of an insurrection — like 
Sassun. Not one of the perpetrators of these outrages was 
arrested or disarmed, but all moved about with the utmost 
freedom to accomplish their nefarious purposes. On the 
other hand many of the Armenians were in prison. 

The following account of the experience of an agent of the 
American Bible Society, who had been in the service for 
many years, and was a most valued man, will give an idea 
of the situation. 

Krikor was at the government building, getting his pass- 
port to return, when the massacre began. He was with three 
others, and when the soldiers endeavored to put them out into 
the street, he refused to go, showing his special passport from 
Constantinople as a reason why he should not go. Two 
of his companions were instantly killed; the third was saved 
by Greeks who hid him two days in a trough of bread. But 
Krikor was able to delay a little by showing his passport. 
He then remonstrated with the guard, giving him at the same 
time a lira ($4.40). This did not conquer the guard, who 
still continued to threaten him. But a second lira was more 
effective, and Krikor remained He demanded to see the 



krikor' s thrilling experience. 411 

Pasha, but was told he was busy at the telegraph office, 
where, in fact, he remained in constant communication with 
Constantinople during the entire massacre. 

Another guard ordered him off, and was bought off like the 
first, but he took Krikor into the court near the prison. 
Here were soldiers who were threatening him when a Turk ap- 
peared who, though he did not know him, was influenced 
by mercy and immediately took charge of him. This Turk, 
an official in the prison, went with him to the " Bekje," a door- 
keeper, saying to him, " This man is a friend of mine, a Turk, 
but he resembles an Armenian so much that he is afraid to go 
on the street lest he may be killed ; you look after him." 
This the " Bekje " did, and although through the afternoon 
many Turks came and glared at him, he was unmolested. 
Finally a clerk who knew him came by and said, "This is an 
infidel; why do you allow him to remain here?" Krikor 
had presence of mind to say, " No, it is you who are an 
infidel ; get out of here," and the man slunk away. After 
dusk the friendly Turk came again to him, and took him into 
the prison, where he found a number of other Armenians, 
most of them officials in the Government House. Here 
he guarded them for two days — false alarms of death coming 
often, keeping them in constant fear. 

Finally, at night, the friendly Turk came in and took him 
out with him, going by a roundabout way to Mr. Parmelee's 
house, where he was safe under the American flag. Here he 
remained with some 150 others, for 10 days. At last his 
Turkish friend succeeded in getting him a passport to return 
to Constantinople, and when he first reached home he could 
not speak a word for joy. Some of the richest Armenians in 
Trebizond reached Constantinople in rags and poverty — so 



412 MASSACRE AT BAIBURT. 

wretched that even their own friends did not recognize them 
at first. 

From Trebizond the wave of excitement spread southward, 
following the line of the road to Erzrum. The first place 
reached was the city of Gumushkhane, famous for the silver 
mines from which it received its name, and which furnished 
the ore for the silversmiths of Trebizond and Constantinople. 
As in most mining districts the population was. turbulent, and 
easily aroused. Details of the strife are wanting, at least 
such as furnish the basis of a reliable statement, but in general 
it is known that the Christian quarter of the city was practi- 
cally destroyed. 

From Gumushkhane the tide swept on to Baiburt, a thriv- 
ing city of perhaps 15,000 inhabitants, Turks and Armenians. 
At Baiburt the road to Erzingan, the military headquarters for 
the whole region, branches off from that to Erzrum, and 
another gathers the trade of the Valley of Chorok. The 
Paiburt Armenians were noted for their intense national feel- 
ing and a vigor of character that frequently held the Turks in 
check. They were also regarded as among the shrewdest 
and most unscrupulous of their race. It was therefore to be 
expected that the Turks should take advantage of the general 
excitement to put down the men whom they hated and feared. 
The outbreak at Gumushkhane had occurred three days after 
the massacre at Trebizond, and two days later still the blow 
fell upon Baiburt. Here again there are few details available, 
but the Constantinople correspondent of the London Times, 
who had the best sources of information, estimated the num- 
ber of killed at 1,000. 

After the disturbances at Trebizond and these two places, 
all eyes turned to Erzrum, about eighty miles southeast of 



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ERZRUM. 415 

Baiburt. The city of Erzrum has been throughout the rule 
of the Turks the most important and influential city of Eastern 
Turkey. It has been a trade center, being the meeting-place 
of the various routes from the eastern end of the Black Sea 
to Persia, Bagdad and Central Asia Minor. It has also been 
the seat of the Governor-General of the Province, though the 
largest military force is at Erzingan, about ninety miles west, 
largely on account of the necessity of keeping the mountainous 
section occupied by the Dersim Kurds in order. It was thus 
the seat of consulates of the different European Powers 
interested in Eastern Turkey, chiefly England, Russia and 
France. Situated on a high plateau about 6,000 feet above 
the sea and surrounded by high mountains, the climate is 
very severe and the winters' cold and summers' heat are 
intense. Its proximity to the Russian border has made it the 
object of attack in the different Russo-Turkish wars and twice, 
in 1829 and 1878, it fell into Russian hands, being released 
only by special treaty stipulations. In the Crimean war it was 
saved by General Williams's heroic defense of Kars. Of its 
population, estimated at 40,000, the Turks formed the great 
majority, though the Armenian community was strong, both 
in numbers, wealth and character. 

Next to Van, Erzrum has been looked upon by the 
Armenians as belonging peculiarly to them, and as was natural 
the revolutionary party sought to exert their influence in it. 
That they so signally failed is but another proof of the inhe- 
rent weakness of the movement and the general conservatism 
of the nation in regard to aggressive action against the 
Turkish Government. There was, however, much anxiety, 
and the tension of feeling between the two races had increased 
greatly. Only a spark was needed to start the Turks, while 



416 DISTURBANCES AT ERZRUM. 

some Armenians were doubtless ready to begin, though in a 
city where they number 10,000 and the Mussulmans 30,000, 
including a large number of soldiers, it was sure to turn 
against the 10,000, who were, besides, almost all unarmed. 
For some days the Turks had been threatening to kill the 
Christians. Heroes from the Trebizond massacre, from the 
pillaging at Baiburt, from Erzingan and Kemakh, and from 
other places had come to Erzrum as the most likely place 
for anotfher similar game. These men had boasted how 
much they had got, and all had the gold fever. 

The time had been set several times, but nothing had been 
done and the Armenians had been induced to think that much 
of the threatening was mere words. The police patrol was 
very strong and apparently every means was used to preserve 
peace. Consequently the Armenians were all in their places 
when suddenly, shortly after noon on Wednesday, October 
30th, the cry was raised, " They have commenced firing in the 
market." 

A mob of Turks including many soldiers was seen running 
towards the market, firing right and left into the houses, from 
a few of which the fire was returned. The resident American 
missionary, Mr. Chambers, had been to the post-office to send 
a telegram to Bitlis to the Americans to say that all was right 
in Erzrum, and to inquire how they were. On his way back 
through the long, straggling market he noticed a general 
uneasiness. Then he passed an Armenian who was running 
from one shop to the other telling his brethren to close their 
shops and run, for the firing would soon commence. But he 
had heard such words as these so many times that he paid no 
particular attention to them. Farther down in the markets 
he saw some shops already closed and some being locked 



TURKISH OUTRAGES. 417 

up as he passed. But this had been done before, and several 
merchants had moved a large part of their best goods up to 
the mission building to be stored, until every corner 
was full. He passed on, walking rapidly, and before 
the Archbishop's house he saw a certain Murad having 
some trouble with a young and excited Turk. Evidently 
Murad had just taken away a dagger from him and given 
it back after some words. Mr. Chambers overheard 
an Armenian say, " He's given it back to him." This 
Murad, it was said on very good authority, had killed a 
number of Christians in the riots of 1890 in Erzrum. He 
was a police officer who watched every stranger that came to 
Erzrum ; but on this occasion he behaved well, for in his quar- 
ter, which was thronged with Armenian shops, the mob was 
unable to commit any violence. 

Mr. Chambers walked on for five minutes from the spot 
where he had seen Murad, when he heard shots behind him. 
The people began to run, and he followed suit. Some friends 
told him afterward that the Turks had fired at him, but he did 
not know whether it was the mob or the soldiers. He met 
one of the patrols of 20 soldiers, under command of an officer, 
who were supposed to keep the peace. These men had drawn 
their revolvers and were shooting- right and left down the 
street and into the windows. The bullets whistled unpleas- 
antly near to Mr. Chambers, who walked on until he was safe 
at his home in the mission building. All this time a perfect 
fusilade was going on, mostly in the direction of the bazaar. 
In the extreme western part of the city a large fire had broken 
out, the smoke of which drifted across the large barracks that 
are situated in that part of the city. There seven Armenians 
resisted the attack of the soldiers, who fired on them, riddled 



^i 8 DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY. 

the house with bullets, and then set fire to it, and it continued 
to burn for 20 hours. 

The attack was simultaneous on different sections of the 
city where Armenians resided. Whenever an Armenian ap- 
peared and the soldiers (who did by far the most of the kill- 
ing, as well as plundering) could get a shot at him or cut him 
down with sword or dagger, they did so. The doors of the 
houses were broken open by force and the contents of the 
houses carried off. Everything that could not be carried off 
was destroyed. Boxes and furniture were broken to pieces. 
Pepper and pickles were mixed with flour that could not be 
removed, and the bread, often the provision for a week, was 
thrown on the floor and stamped to dust. As if to be sure 
that it would not be eaten by the hungry, a jar of pickled cab- 
bage, or something of that kind, would be broken over it and 
trampled into it. As if the soldiers could not carry off all they 
wanted, a number of women attended them and carried off 
the plunder. An eye-witness reports that in one street he 
saw some officers lead a detachment of soldiers to two Ar- 
menian houses ; the commanding officers themselves broke 
open the doors, entered and looted the whole house, stripping 
it completely. All through the afternoon and evening the 
suspense was intense. In the beautiful moonlight the Turks 
could be seen carrying away the plunder, while occasionally a 
volley of shots rang out on the night air. 

« All day Thursday the disturbance continued, though in 
somewhat less degree. An Armenian, speaking of his expe- 
rience on that day, said that in the morning the soldiers entered 
his house. He and his family were driven out. The soldiers 
rifled the old man's pockets, took his watch and chain, but did 
not harm him. A soldier on the roof told the son to stand 



DEFENSELESS PEOPLE KILLED. 



419 



still or he would shoot him. But he dodged quickly under 
the lee of the wall and ran for the British Consulate, which he 
succeeded in reaching. Later he saw the same soldier, who 
had threatened to shoot him if he moved, acting as a special 
guard at the Italian Consulate. One of the guard before the 
English Consulate asked him sarcastically, " Which Consulate 
is this ? " " The British," was the reply. " And this ? " " The 
Italian." "Well, where's the Armenian Consulate? You 
were going to have a kingdom (beylik) ; you got a ' beylik ' 
yesterday." In rifling the village of Purnagaban, a prominent 
Armenian, after being seized by the soldiers, with the naked 
sword at his breast, was asked, " You wanted a ' beylik ; ' here's 
your 'beylik.' ' Another Armenian told how the soldiers on 
Thursday morning had taken his watch and rifled his pockets. 
The " dragoman " of the British Consulate, who had gone up 
to the Government House just before the massacre began, 
told his experience. He was with one of the " cavasses." 
On their way he heard an officer speak roughly to an unruly 
Turk as follows : — "Can't you keep quiet now; wait until it 
begins and then you can do what you like." In many places 
on the long way up he saw the soldiers all drawn up ready 
for the massacre. At the Serai he found not an official, which 
was very remarkable as this was a very busy time. All the 
lower officials were away. Both he and the " cavass " saw 
the storm brewing and hastened to return. They were about 
half-way, near an open market where fruit and grain and wood 
are sold, when the soldiers began to fire on the defenseless 
people. He relates that he saw one Armenian run up to a 
Turkish officer, throw his arms round him and beseech him to 
save him, but the officer pushed him away from him with both 
hands, drew his revolver, and shot him. Another, a black- 



420 



DREADFUL SCENES ENACTED. 



smith, they beat over the head with clubs as he ran until he 
fell, and then three soldiers standing within a few feet of him 
fired three bullets into him. One of them who looked at the 
body a moment saw the convulsive movements, and said to 
his companions, "Look, the dog isn't dead yet; look, look." 
For two hours the dragoman saw this from a safe place. The 
soldiers did the work, shooting every Christian they could see. 

In the afternoon Mr. Chambers, with the English and Italian 
Consuls, and Tewfik Bey, of Shakir Pasha's suite, made a 
tour of the Armenian quarter between Giimruk street and 
the limits of the city on the east. What they saw there beg- 
gars description. A long large barracks with a parade ground 
in front is situated on the eastern side of the street. When 
the massacre began these soldiers fired volley after volley into 
the houses, and then looted them. Those who had not es- 
caped were murdered in their houses by the soldiers. In one 
house they saw two young brides brutally murdered lying on 
carpets bespattered with blood, disfigured, and almost naked. 
In another house were two men butchered in a barbarous 
way, splinters of broken boxes and doors, windows shattered 
to pieces, the plastering torn and broken, everything in ruin. 

In very many cases Armenians came to the guard-houses for 
protection, and almost invariably they were first examined, and 
then shot down in cold blood. Sometimes this was done to 
single individuals, sometimes they were shot down in groups. 
During that awful four hours, the military gave no quarter to 
men found in the shops and streets, and in very many cases 
not even to men found in the houses. The wounds of 
the dead bodies were awful beyond description. Even the 
wounded had awful wounds. Mr. Chambers helped to dress 
the wounds, which included the amputation of the right hand 



ONE REDEEMING FEATURE. 421 

and left thumb, of a man who had sixteen. Ten of them were 
on his head, all of them horrible gashes. Another he helped 
to dress, had three horrible gashes on his head, two dagger 
wounds in his back, and a bullet through his left hand. Coal 
oil had been poured on him preparatory to burning. A little 
nine-year old boy had his arm amputated. But this is enough 
to give an idea of the determined onslaught. One soldier 
declared that he used ten packages of ammunition, each pack- 
age containing twelve rounds, making in all 120 rounds of 
ammunition shot away by one man in four hours. 

There was one redeeming feature. Many Turks (civilians) 
rescued Armenians who appealed to them. They kept them 
in their houses or in their shops, till it was safe to send them 
home. In one instance a Turk hid an Armenian under a pile 
of wool in the Armenian's own shop. When the shop was 
attacked, the Turk went in and helped to distribute the goods, 
trying in the meantime to turn the attention of the soldiers 
from the wool. However, they demanded the wool, which he 
was forced to give. Soon the Armenian began to appear. 
The soldiers were for shooting him at once. The Turk pro- 
tested and prevented that. Then they insisted on searching 
his person and taking his purse and watch. Then the Turk 
said, " I am a Moslem. I have had no share in this plunder ; 
the purse and watch must fall to me." The soldiers again 
demanded to kill him. The Turk whispered something to 
jthe officer in command, and they said that as the man was 
such a bad Armenian, he should be kept for hanging. After 
much persuasion the soldiers consented to this, so the Turk 
marched off the Armenian as if to the Government House, to 
be kept for hanging. However he got him to a place of safety, 
and later, restoring his purse and watch, sent him home. 



422 QUIET RESTORED. 

A large number of Armenians were saved by the good will of 
Turkish friends. This is all the more remarkable as the 
threats of slaughter against the Armenians seemed to be 
quite universal on the part of the Turks, and generally 
Turks joined with the soldiers in plundering the shops of their 
Christian neighbors. 

By noon on Thursday, all was quiet again. The soldiers 
were bringing Armenians, who had managed to escape the 
slaughter by hiding in all sorts of places, to their homes. 
Many were brought to the Mission House first, where they 
again saw their kinsfolk. One was a sick and poor woman 
whose house had been entered by the soldiers. She fell at 
their feet and besought them to leave the few things she had 
in her home. One of the soldiers seized a " kalian " and 
struck her on the forehead, knocking her senseless. Quiet 
continued all day long, but the people could not be induced 
to return to their homes. Some went there to find everything 
cleaned out. 

Thursday night passed much as the previous night had, and 
Friday morning came. This was the Moslem Sunday, and 
the terror of the Armenians was renewed. They had no con- 
fidence in the soldiers at all, and the Turks, as well as the 
soldiers, told them that the killing would begin again. Es- 
pecially were the Bishop's house and the Sanassarian school 
threatened. The women with babies, girls, and more men 
flocked to the mission building until the building and enclosed 
garden held little short of 500 frightened people, who could 
not be induced to return to their homes. But gradually they 
ventured to go to their homes, and night found the crowd 
reduced to 200. The Turks made preposterous statements 
about the number of revolutionists, and arms and ammunition 



COWARDLY TURKS. 423 

hidden in the Armenian church and Sanassarian school. Ap- 
parently they had been too cowardly to attack the place with 
their rifles, and now they threatened to bombard it from the 
forts. The English Consul here lent his good services as 
mediator. The places were searched quietly by the Turkish 
officials, and, of course, not a weapon or a revolutionist was 
found, for there are no more law-abiding citizens in the Otto- 
man Empire than the gentlemen in charge of the Sanassarian 
school. They are fine, cultured men, who desire nothing 
more than peace to conduct their educational enterprise. In 
1890, at the time of the riot, this same charge, equally un- 
founded, was made against them. But the affair in that year 
was really a riot, for a mob and not soldiers paraded the 
streets, looting and spoiling. In that year the English Consul 
lived in the mission building, where every glass was smashed 
in with stones. 

It was natural that there should be the wildest statements 
as to the number of killed. Some put it at 2,000. The best 
estimate available makes it 800 to 1 ,ooo. Nearly all were men. 
Not a single dead Turk was reported or seen. A dragoman 
of one of the Consulates, who saw the firing for two hours in 
the bazaars, said that all the soldiers were out, fully armed, to 
the number of 3,000. They were not content with shooting 
a man once, but they fired at each one three and four times. 
He boldly declared that the government officials had ordered 
the soldiers to begin to kill. The patrol who held the foot of 
the street occupied by the American Mission House and 
several Consulates, deliberately squatted behind a pile of 
newly-chopped wood in front of the French Consulate and 
put the entrance to the Health Office under fire to prevent 

the Armenians from seeking refuge there. The English 

25 



424 



AN EYE-WITNESS S STORY. 



Consul stopped this, threatening to fire on them if they con- 
tinued. Both the English and French Consuls, whose houses 
adjoin each other, were on their housetops when the attack 
began, and found the bullets whistling so unpleasantly near 
that they deemed it advisable to go below. 

An eye-witness describes the scene on Friday afternoon as 
most horrible. He went with one of the cavasses of the 
English Legation, a soldier, his interpreter, and a photogra- 
pher (Armenian) to the Armenian Gregorian Cemetery. The 
municipality had sent down a number of bodies, friends had 
brought more, and a horrible sight met his eyes. Along the 
wall on the north, in a row 20 feet wide and 150 feet long, 
lay 321 dead bodies of the massacred Armenians. Many 
were fearfully mangled and mutilated. He saw one with his 
face completely smashed in with a blow of some heavy weapon 
after he was killed : some with their necks almost severed by 
a sword cut; one whose whole chest had been skinned and 
his forearms cut off, while the upper arm was skinned of 
flesh. He asked if the dogs had done this, "No, the Turks 
did it with their knives." A dozen bodies were half burned. 
All the corpses had been rifled of all their clothes except a 
cotton undergarment or two. These white under-clothes 
were stained with the blood of the dead, presenting a fearful 
sight. The faces of many were disfigured beyond recognition, 
and all had been thrown down, face foremost, in the 'dust of 
the streets and mud of the gutters, so that all were black with 
clotted blood and dust. Some were stark naked, and every 
body seemed to have at least two wounds, and some a dozen. 
In this list of dead there were only three women, two babies, 
a number of young children, and about thirty young men of 
15 to 20. 

i 



HORRIBLE ATROCITIES. 425 

A crowd of a thousand people, mostly Armenians, watched 
him taking photographs of their dead. Many were weeping 
beside their dead fathers or husbands. The Armenian pho- 
tographer saw two children, relatives of his, among the dead. 
Some Armenian workmen were engaged excavating a deep 
trench twenty feet square, close by, to bury the corpses. 
Here, too, was a peculiar scene. The space of this trench 
contained many graves, and on one side were a number of 
skulls, perhaps twenty in all, and a pile of bones found in the 
excavating. He left the sad sight sick at heart. Apart from 
the rest was the horribly mutilated corpse of an Armenian 
priest, with whom a story is connected. He came from a vil- 
lage in the plain, Tevnik, where he had been attacked a few 
days before and his house looted. At the same time, to save 
his life, he signed a paper promising to pay the robbers ioo 
liras. As soon as he was free, he made for Erzrum to make 
complaint. This man, it was said, was the first Armenian 
killed. He was in the Serai, on his business, when he was 
shot dead in the premises with several other defenseless Ar- 
menians. This is the way it began at the deserted Serai, and 
is the other side of the story. 

The news of the massacre at Erzrum created a great 
shock everywhere. That in such a city, in the very presence 
of English, French and Russian Consuls, with high dignitaries 
of the Turkish Government in command, such scenes 
should occur was in itself a matter of great moment. That 
the killing and pillaging should be carried on by the soldiers 
under the direct command of their officers, showed conclu- 
sively that it was no mere mob outbreak. Of course, there 
were various stories told. Among them was one to the effect 
that seven Armenians had run into the Government House 



426 OUTBREAK OF SICKNESS. 

and made directly for the audience rooms of Raouf Pasha. 
These had fired their revolvers right in the faces of those they 
met, but two of them were killed and five taken prisoners 
before they had done any harm. This was pretty hard to 
believe, for at the outside entrance of the Serai were always 
stationed at least two soldiers, and generally a dozen or more 
were strolling about fully armed. 

More than that, assurance upon assurance had been given 
that if the Armenians would be quiet there would be no trou- 
ble. The commanding officers claimed to be very indignant 
that the soldiers had been guilty of looting and it was said 
that they had done their best to stem the torrent. To those, 
however, who know Turkish officers and soldiers, this state- 
ment will carry little weight. Nine days after the massacre 
there was still great anxiety. Then commenced an outbreak 
of sickness, the result of the terrible nervous strain, of insuf- 
ficient food and the general privation. Then, too, stragglers 
came in from the villages on the Passen, Khanus and Alash- 
gerd plains, with their own stories of horrors, until it seemed 
as if the cup of suffering was more than full. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Massacres in Harput District. 

c -;„<« Promises— Riot, Murder and Pillage— A 
American Residences-First l^ 6 ™^™^^* and Details of Massacres- 
Dangerous Journey-Attempts at Defense-I^ of V L § kish Dread of Re- 
statement of a Turkish Official-Armenians not Responsible 
form— Tabular Statement. 

THE city of Harput stands on a hill in a plain to the east 
T of he Euphrates. It is a city of 30,000 .nhab.tants 
of whom less tha'n one-half are Armenians, the others be,n g 
Turks The plain stretches out m rolling country, except 
the north where lies a hilly and even mountainous reg.on. 
The Harput plain has long been noted as one of the most fertile 
I Asia Mino P r or Eastern Turkey. The inhab.tants are ^met 

peaceful folk, both ^™X^^^« 
villages are prosperous, and there has oeen a 5 

intelligence and of self-restraint among this people. The 
'; ve of revolutionary feeling that extended over the reg^o 
of Marsovan and Yuzgat scarcely seemed tc .touch Harput 
and up to the close of .895 there were no md.cat.ons of any 
trouble The city is the centre of a large rn.ss.on work and 
r seat of the Euphrates College together with a ^o.og, 
cal seminary and a flourishing g.rls' school. The £u£»* 
are fathered from the whole of Eastern Turkey, and repre 
" nt* he better element of the Armenian nat.on throughout 



428 ATTACK BY THE KURDS. 

that section of the empire. From the very beginning of the 
Armenian question, strong influence was exerted in favor of 
entirely peaceful action in the effort to secure reform, and all 
overt opposition to the government was strongly discounte- 
nanced. Turkish officials were always welcomed at the exer- 
cises in the college and repeatedly expressed their pleasure 
at its conduct. The missionaries had always been on ex- 
cellent terms with the officials, especially with the governors 
of the province, who were located at the town of Mezereh, 
about four miles below the city on the plains. So far as was 
apparent, not a sign of revolutionary influence was manifest 
anywhere in the region, and friends of the missionaries lo- 
cated there felt that they at least were in no danger from the 
disturbances. The first indication of danger was the appear- 
ance on the plain of bands of Kurds from the regions north 
and east. Villages were attacked, looted and burned, while 
the villagers were killed or scattered. For a time the maraud- 
ers seemed to hold aloof from the city itself, but as they kept 
on their course of pillage their appetite for plunder was 
whetted, and they looked with avaricious eyes at the city on 
the hill. They were joined, too, by the Turkish rabble, both in 
the city and villages, and it became evident that there was 
danger, even for the Americans. Dr. H. N. Barnum went to 
the city officials and was assured that nothing should happen 
to them ; that no Kurds would be allowed to enter the city. 
What followed is best told in the words of an eye-witness. 

"We were surrounded for a week or ten days by a cordon 
of burning villages on the plain. Gradually the cordon of 
fire and fiendish savages drew nearer the city. The attack 
in the city was planned for Sunday, November 10th, and 
some of the city rabble began to make demonstrations ; but 



ATTACK ON HUSENIK. 429 

the soldiers drove them back. The invading Kurds, Redifs 
(Turkish soldiers in disguise as Kurds), were not ready for 
the onset. On Monday, November nth, the attack began 
on Husenik (a village of the plains only a short distance 
from the city), where 200 were killed and as many more 
wounded, then up the gorge to Sinamood (a rocky hill on 
which stands the ruins of an old fortress) and the east part 
of the city. Then a body of men appeared in the Turkish 
cemetery below the city. They came near a body of soldiers 
posted on the hill with a cannon. Big Turks came down to 
them from the city ; a conference seemed to be held. Ap- 
parently the invaders were forbidden to touch the markets 
(from which, of course, they knew that both Christians and 
Turks had removed their goods to their houses). Then the 
soldiers withdrew and were posted on the road higher up, 
apparently to better defend the empty markets. Then the 
invaders, with a great cry of "Ash! ask/" began to fire 
their guns. The soldiers also began to fire. It was soon 
apparent that this was only a little sham fight ; but it was too 
thin to cover the nefarious design of the men who planned 
this thing. Then began the attack on the houses in this 
quarter. (The American houses are in the western part of the 
city, quite a distance from the markets.) The soldiers protected 
the raiders, and not a finger was lifted by the military officers 
on the ground to protect the people or us from the plunder- 
ing, murderous mob. There were hundreds of plunderers. 
Scarcely a house in this quarter escaped, and a large number 
were set on fire. A crowd of refugees were in our court and 
house and girls' school. 

" Soon our outside gate was attacked, and the crowd of 
fugitives fled for their lives. One company pressing through 



43° MURDER AND ARSON. 

a narrow passage were fired upon ; the bullets fell like hail 
around them; four were wounded. A cannon-ball went 
through the same passage-Way. This company fled to the hill 
and were taken into the city (twenty-seven school-girls in the 
crowd; they suffered untold misery in a khan that night; de- 
livered next day, and brought away under an escort of sol- 
diers). The rest of the refugees took refuge in the yard of 
the girls' school, surrounded by a high wall. At the last 
moment I ran out to see if our heavy front gate was standing. 
I saw a hole a foot wide made, and instantly the loud report 
of a rifle warned me to retreat. We had been in the yard 
but a few moments when the marauders were at the door of 
the yard inside the school buildings. We made another start 
and hurried out from the gate, and this time for the College 
(boys') building as our last refuge. I was on the outside of 
the fleeing crowd, our invalids, Mr. W. and Mrs. A., borne 
in strong arms. Suddenly a savage-looking Turk appeared 
at the corner of the building outside. I instinctively raised 
my hand to prevent his coming toward the fleeing crowd. 
Instantly he drew and flourished a revolver and deliberately 
pointed at me. I thought for an instant it was only to 
frighten us and make us hasten our flight, but two shots from 
his pistol convinced me that his purpose was to murder. 
Some thirty or more had been shot down in the houses just 
below us. Again, before we were all through the gate, he 
aimed at Mr. Gates and Miss Wheeler and fired a third time; 
but no one was hit. We breathed more freely as we pressed 
into the three-story stone building with the more than four 
hundred fugitives. Soon the smoke began to rise from the 
front of my house and Mr. Brown's ; some say the house was 
set on fire by bombshells. Soon the whole of the houses 




BRITISH FLOTILLA. The gigantic gunboats of the British Mediterranean 
fleet nearing Constantinople after the most terrible massacres. 



TREACHERY OF THE COMMANDER. 433 

connected with the Girls' College were on fire, and the large 
college building was no doubt set on fire ; also fifty to seventy 
houses were burning below ours. Then the chapel close to 
us was set on fire, and the intense heat would have set fire to 
the large high-school building between the college and chapel; 
but with our new fire engine and a plentiful supply of water, 
Mr. Gates was able to save it from taking fire. Here in the 
college building, with 450 persons, we spent the night, with 
little bedding and only dry crusts of bread to eat. 

"The plan was evidently to destroy all the buildings, and 
thus render our stay here impossible. One of the houses 
was fired in three places, but the fire went out. A bombshell 
was fired into Mr. Barnum's study, and burst in the room 
from which they had fled only a little before. Mr. Gates' house 
would have been burned — oil was poured in two places — but 
happily was left unburned. Three nights we remained in 
the college building, then went into a room in the Gates' house ; 
the Barnums also went to theirs. 

" The next morning after the attack, the Turkish military 
commander advised and urged leaving the college building, 
saying: T can't protect you here.' Mr. Barnum replied: 
1 The time has come for plain talk. I saw you standing on 
the hill there yesterday when our houses were plundered 
and burned, and you did nothing to prevent it. If you wish 
to protect us, you can do it better here than anywhere else.' 
The same officer had said two days before that he would be 
cut in pieces before he would allow a Kurd to enter the 
city. He now brazenly replied : ' What could I do against 
15,000 Kurds? ' They wanted to get the people scattered in 
the city, and us out of the buildings, and then they would 
have been burned. But I must not write more, although there 



434 MURDER OF PASTORS AND PREACHERS. 

is much to tell. We write to Constantinople, but can't be 
sure of our letters getting through. We have telegraphed 
a good many times, but telegrams can't tell all. The pres- 
sure on the villages to become Moslem is terrible ; large 
numbers have been instantly shot down or butchered who 
would not instantly abjure their Christian faith. We have 
already heard of the murder of seven of our pastors and six 
preachers. But I have not time to enter on these horrible 
details. If I can get letters sent on, perhaps I will send 
again ; 45 killed in the west quarter, 100 in the whole city. 
Husenik, 200 killed, 200 wounded. Official reports will rep- 
resent Turks killed. There has not been a single one killed 
or wounded." 

Northwest of Harput is the city of Arabkir, one of the 
most prosperous in the whole region. The Armenians are 
enterprising and thrifty, and for the most part have been on 
good terms with the Mohammedans. The American Mis- 
sionaries have had considerable influence there and at the 
time of the massacres two of the ladies were in the city. 
The time had come for them to return to Harput, but every 
possible difficulty was put in their way. There was intense 
excitement on every side and the Armenians were in terror. 
At last, by giving a heavy present the ladies secured a mule- 
teer and a guard and started on their journey home. One 
of them has written of the journey as follows: 

"Our journey was through a country infested with robber 
bands. Twice they stopped our zaptieh and demanded per- 
mission to rob us. We had the hardest time to get away 
from Arabkir, for the governor declared that he had no zap- 
tieh, and we finally had to go to him in person to insist upon 
his furnishing one. Then we did not find a muleteer for 



DANGERS OF OUR JOURNEY. 435 

nearly a week ; he was a Kurd, and his animals were so lazy 
and slow ! We traveled as if all was as safe and pleasant 
as possible. The first band of robbers who insisted upon the 
satisfaction of 'cutting us to pieces' numbered seven fierce 
Kurds. I sat up straight on my horse and passed them 
quickly without looking, as if nothing was going on at all, and 
after me came the rest of our caravan, in the same spirit. 
The second band numbered 20, all fully armed. Again we 
pushed past and left our zeptieh to parley. The latter band 
had one man who took a fancy to my horse, and he proposed 
to shoot me and take Nejib for himself! There were many 
other robbers to be seen. We stayed the following night in a 
lonely khan, where we were in great danger. 

" This khan was on the other bank of the Euphrates, which 
was crossed early the next morning. Our zaptieh was to be 
changed at the town of Maden, just there. Again the gov- 
ernor would give us none. I was obliged to go to him my- 
self, whereupon he gave orders that the one who brought us 
to Maden should take us on. What a fierce and cruel-look- 
ing man that governor was ! But he had a little pity in his 
heart, for, when he saw our servant loading up in the market, 
he said : ' Make haste, Yavroom (a term of endearment used 
for animals), go quickly.' He must have known what was 
coming. Our zaptieh took us on for a big price. I would 
have given him anything that he had asked. He was, to us, 
kind and good. How more than glad we were to get out of 
Maden. All were in fear, and the very next day the blow fell. 
It was a very worldly place, and all were busy, trying alone to 
hide their worldly goods. Oh, the pale faces and long-drawn 
sighs ! " 

At Arabkir and at Malatia, another large and prosperous 



43^ MASSACRE AT ARABKIR AND MALATIA. 

city farther south, the Armenians undertook to defend them- 
selves. They, however, succeeded merely in stirring the 
greater anger of the Turks, with the result that they suffered 
terribly, while comparatively few Turks were killed. Esti- 
mates made soon after the massacre put the number of 
Armenians killed in Malatia at 5,000 and at Arabkir at 2,000, 
while in all probably not over 500 Turks suffered. In Mala- 
tia, all the Armenians, Gregorians, Roman Catholics and 
Protestants Gathered in two churches and fought for their 
lives until compelled to surrender. One churchful first gave 
up their arms on condition of being protected, but after that 
they were surrounded and many of them were killed. Space 
does not permit complete statements, but the following table 
and notes, prepared in regard to the Harput region, will give 
an idea of the terrible work. The list embraces only a single 
month, commencing with the latter part of October, 1895. 
The items have been gathered with great care, and may be 
relied upon as within the truth rather than as exaggerated. 
The number of houses is given rather than the population, 
because that method is far more reliable. The number 
of people to a house varies from 5 to 30. Probably 8 to 10 
would be a reasonably fair average. 

Names. Houses. Burned. Killed. Wounded. 

1. Adish 310 310 244 men 

13 women 

2. Aivose . . 70 

3. Aghansi 47 1 12 IO 

4. Arabkir 3,000 Armenians. 2,750 2,000 

5,000 Turks. 
350 shops. 325 

5. Bizmishen 270 190 23 5 

Partly 40 

6. Chemishgesek ... 

7. Momsa . . 10 . . 



RECORD OF DISTINCTION. 



437 



Names Houses. 

8. Kutturbul ioo 

9. Chunkush 1,000 Ar. 

480 T. 

10. Chermuk 4°° Ar - 

700 T. 

11. Diarbekir 

12. Egin 1,000 Ar. 

1,000 T. 

13. Gamirgab 9° 

14. Garmuri 

15. Hokh 125 Ar. 

150 T. 

16. Huelu 300 Ar. 

1ST. 

17. Habusi 180 

18. Hulakegh 150 

19. Havah 280 

20. Husenik 650 Ar. 

120 T. 

21. Ichmeh 200 Ar. 

60 T. 

22. Konk 3°° 

23. Malatia 1,500 Ar. 

24. Ozunonah 1 00 Ar. 

25. Peri 400 Ar. 

and 63 villages . 90 T. 

89. Palu 400 Ar. 

90. Kapu Achmaz. . . 90 Ar. 

91. Khoshmat 160 Ar. 

92. Nurkhi 100 Ar. 

93. Shenaz 80 Ar. 

and 40 
villages. 

134. Severek 350 Ar. 

135. Saru Kamish. . . 80 Ar. 

136. Sheikhaji 

137. Tadem 300 Ar. 

4 T. 

138. Upper Mezreh.. 20 

Total 19,851 



Burned. 
IOO 

103 

most. 



32 

3° 

263 

90 

11 

260 

9 



Killed. 
680 

2,000 

7 
62 

30 

75 

16 

no 

260 

60 



Wounded. 



■• 


5,000 

65 
8 


75 
80 


1,580 


90 
45 


•• 


•• 


75o 
6 


250 


270 


11 


•• 


5,064 


12,708 



10 



50 



200 



12 



IOO 



387 



43^ STATEMENT OF ATROCITIES. 

REMARKS. 

1. Adish is a mountain village, and many had gone away to 
earn a living. Many females carried off by Turks and Kurds. 

2. Aivose. — This place " wiped out." Women and girls 
carried off. Priest was forced to sound the " call to prayer," 
then shot. He blessed the man who shot him and said, 
" Shoot me again." 

4. Arabkir. — Began Tuesday, November 6th, continued till 
Saturday. After that the Protestant pastor and many lead- 
ing men were imprisoned. Pastor and others killed in prison. 
Plunder complete. Even the richest are destitute. 

5. Bizmishen. — Eight miles from Harput. All who re- 
mained in the village were killed by Kurds. Most of them 
were old or sick and could not flee. The rest fled to Mezreh 
(the seat of the governor of the province) where they were 
robbed by soldiers under pretense of search for arms. 

6. Chemishgesek. — Up to within a few days the city had es- 
caped, but the villages being near the region occupied by the 
Dersim Kurds had been ravaged and in part burned. 

8. Kutturbul. — Karabash, Kahe, Cherokeeya were burned 
with much loss of life. Only four men escaped from Kutturbul. 
Two Protestants pastors, men, women and children killed. 

9. Chunkush. — November 4th, Kurds plundered the market 
and withdrew, but returned at night and burned 83 houses. 
Christians taken to mosque and forced to accept Islam. Gave 
up weapons. November 8th, Kaimakam (local governor) 
came. November nth, soldiers. November 14th, Kurds re- 
turned; soldiers fired on Christians, and Kurds then raided 
the town, all armed with Martini rifles. Protestant church, 
school and parsonage burned. 

10. Chermuk. — Few males escaped. 



OUTRAGES CONTINUED. 439 

ii. Diarbekir. — November ist~3d. Began by Moslems is- 
suing - from mosque and burning the market. Christians de- 
fended themselves. Do not know how many Turks were 
slain. 

12. Egin. — Paid £. T. 1,500 ($6,600) to Mahmud Agha, a 
Kurdish chief, to secure immunity. 

13. Gamirgab. — A suburb of Egin. 

14. Garmuri. — Chiefs took Christians to their houses while 
Kurds plundered. Then they told them, "Unless you ac- 
cept Islam we cannot protect you." At the edge of the 
sword they accepted Islam and were circumcised. Protestant 
chapel and parsonage burned. Armenian church now a 
mosque. 

15. Hokh. — Armenian church, Protestant chapel and par- 
sonage burned. Those killed had kneeled to receive cir- 
cumcision. Fifty-five women and children taken to harems 
and Turkish villages. Women and girls outraged. 

16. Huelu. — All but thirty-seven poor houses burned. 
Seventy-five Protestant houses and their fine new church 
burned. Two priests killed. The last houses burned were 
kindled with kerosene sent by the government. Survivors 
accepted Islam or are fugitives. 

17. Habusi. — Dead unburied. Church, chapel and parson- 
age burned. 

18. Hulakegh. — Plundered by Turks. Preacher tortured 
and killed in city. His wife killed. 

19. Havah. — Being considered a centre of nationalism, 
Turks said they would make this village "a field." At- 
tacked by Kurds October 29th. Villagers held them off for 
two days and sent to government for help, which was refused. 
Then villagers fled, Kurds plundered the village. Killed iq 



44° ATROCITIES CONTINUED. 

or 15. Thursday, October 31st, soldiers came. Fugitives 
heard the bugle and returned, expecting protection. Soldiers 
killed 50 of them ; the rest fled to Ibraham Bey, at Socrat. 
After two or three days he sent them to barracks at Palu. 
There the women were separated, and sent to city ; men sent 
back to Socrat. Ibraham Bey sent Kurds to meet them, who 
fired, killing 50 more. Survivors returned to barracks. 
Since then they have lived here and there as they could, pull- 
ing up the sprouting grain to get the seed, eating grass, etc. 
Government gave a little grain, Kurds took it. 

20. Husenik. — Many of the dead were shot by soldiers. 
List of killed still increasing. Priests killed with great 
indignity. 

21. Ichmeh. — Survivors are considered Moslems. Males 
are assembled in church, led out, and made to choose Islam 
or death. Protestant pastor killed. Church a mosque, chapel 
a sheepfold. 

22. Konk. — "Worse than Habusi." No details. 

23. Malatia. — November 4th— 7th. Began by sudden raid 
of Turks and Kurds upon the market. Kurds armed with 
Martini rifles. Four hundred killed in the market, 30 or 40 
at government headquarters. Armenians defended them- 
selves. Five thousand Armenians, 500 Turks and Kurds 
killed. Small rations given for a few days and then ceased. 

24. Ozunonak. — Agha took people to his house for " protec- 
tion," while Kurds plundered the village; then he sent them 
back, gathered leading men to take them to Palu for circum- 
cision. Outside the village 10 were shot. Under the lead 
of a Christian woman, 55 men, women and children threw 
themselves into the river. 

25. Peri. — Seventy villages — 20,000 souls in that region 



ATROCITIES CONTINUED. 441 

(Christians). Seven villages spared, rest plundered. In Peri 
Kurds attacked November 6th. Soldiers guided them to 
Christian houses. Plunder largely by Turks of the town. 
Kurds, dissatisfied with their share of the plunder, returned 
November 9th to plunder Turks, but two Kurds were shot 
and they withdrew. Agha had 20 to 30 Kurds in his house 
and secured much plunder. Four hundred and fifty Christians 
were made Moslems. A colonel came a few days later with 
soldiers. He reproached the Turks for the small number 
slain, and said: "You should have killed at least 100." 

89. Palu. — November 5th. The market and 50 or 60 houses 
were plundered by soldiers and Kurds. Afterward a govern- 
ment telal (broker) ordered people to open shops on penalty 
of three medjidies (silver dollars) fine. Said everything had 
passed and no more danger. Kurds came again, but were 
driven off to the villages, which they plundered.' A sheik and 
his son preached a crusade against Christians. An attempt 
was made to involve Armenians, but failed. Sheik's son said 
he thirsted for the blood of Armenians, and they were foolish 
to wait for them to start a disturbance. He is said to have 
killed 43 himself. November nth Kurds suddenly appeared 
and began to kill. Only two Armenians resisted. The dead 
are estimated from 1,200 to 2,000. Chapel ruined, parsonage 
and school turned into barracks. Survivors dying of hunger. 
No relief allowed. Forty-four villages around Palu all plun- 
dered badly ; seven more or less burned. From Khoshmat 
20 or 30 women came to the barracks stark naked. Many 
outraged. 

134. Severek. — Attack began by rush of Turks and Kurds 

upon the market; lasted three days. Of 80 Chunkush 

families in city, only seven heads of families remain. 
26 



442 AN OFFICIAL S STATEMENT. 

136. Sheikhaji. — November 5th and 6th. Saved by Agha 
on payment of twenty liras. All became Moslems. Two 
priests killed, one with great indignity. Hadji Beyo and 
his son, Mustapha, were foremost in destroying the village. 
Now Agha gives a woman to each soldier and zaptieh on 
guard every night. He has given two married women to his 
son and two to two renegade Armenians. 

138. Upper Mezreh. — Much plunder from the city taken to 
Ahmed Agha's house. His son is a zaptieh and his stepson 
a collector. 

These are only the places in regard to which figures were 
available at the time. No one counted the wounded in most 
places. The number of deaths increased daily. From the 
villages which have been counted around Peri and Palu 
there were no particulars. The sum total must be dreadful 
in the extreme. No attempt has been made to keep count 
of the outrages upon women. They came from every quar- 
ter and hardly attracted notice. 

If any one is inclined to doubt the reality of these chapters 
of horrors, they may be convinced by a table of statistics 
given below and prepared by an intelligent Turkish official, 
whose heart was greatly moved by the recent outrages in 
the region of Harput. He devoted much time to it, although 
secretly, for obvious reasons ; and as he had had unusual 
facilities for securing information, this table is the most com- 
plete that has been made. As it is impossible to secure exact 
information in such cases, and as there is always a tendency 
to exaggerate, some of the items are probably an overstate- 
ment. Along with this was a document of which the follow- 
ing is a translation. Coming as it does from a Moham- 
medan, who has a title and who is in the public service, it is 



FEARFUL ATROCITIES. 443 , 

a document of no small interest and importance, for it is a 
testimony independent of other testimony that has been 
given, but which in every essential confirms what has been 
previously related. This statement is as follows : 

"A petition in behalf of the Armenians was given to the 
Powers in the hope of improving their condition. An Imperial 
Firman was issued for carrying out the Reforms suggested 
by the Powers. On this account the Turkish population was 
much excited by the thought that an Armenian Principality 
was to be established here ; and they began to show great 
hostility to the poor Armenians, who had been obedient to 
them and with whom they had lived in peace for more than 
six hundred years. In addition to their anger was added the 
permission and help of the government, by which, before the 
Reforms were undertaken, the whole Turkish population was 
aroused with the evil intent of obliterating the Armenian name : 
and behold the Turks of the district, joining with the neigh- 
boring Kurdish tribes, by the thousand, armed with weapons 
which are allowed only to the army, and with the help and 
guidance of Turkish officials, in an open manner in the day- 
time attacked the Armenian shops, stores, monasteries, 
churches and schools, and committed the fearful atrocities 
which are set forth in the accompanying table. They killed 
bishops, priests, teachers and common people, with every kind 
of torture ; and they showed special spite toward ecclesiastics 
by treating their bodies with extra indignity, and in many 
cases they did not allow their bodies to be buried. Some they 
burned and some they gave as food to dogs and wild beasts. 
They plundered churches and monasteries and they took all 
the property of the common people, their flocks and herds, 
their ornaments and their money, their house-furnishings, 



444 STATEMENTS NOT OVERDRAWN. 

their food, and even the clothing of the men and women in 
their flight. 

" Then, after plundering them, they burned many houses, 
churches, monasteries, schools and markets, with the petroleum 
they had brought with them, and the large stone churches, 
which they could not burn, they ruined in other ways. Some 
churches were converted into mosques and devoted to Moslem 
worship ; other churches suffered all sorts of defilement ; and 
their sacred books were torn in pieces and cast on the dung- 
hills, and even the priestly garments, used in the celebration 
of the Mass, were put upon harlots. Besides this, priests, 
laymen, women and even small children, were made Moslems 
by force. They put white turbans on the men and circumcised 
them in a cruel manner. They cut the hair of the women in 
bangs — like that of Moslem women — and made them go 
through the Moslem prayers. Married women and girls 
were defiled against the sacred law, and some were married 
by force and are still detained in Turkish houses. Especially 
in Palu, Severek, Malatia, Arabkir, and Chunkush, many 
women and girls were taken to the soldiers' barracks and 
dishonored there. Many to escape such dishonor, threw 
themselves into the Euphrates, and some committed suicide 
in other ways. It is very clear that the majority of those killed 
in Harput, Kesirik, Malatia and Arabkir were killed by the 
soldiers; and also that the churches and schools of the mis- 
sionaries and Gregorians in the upper quarter of Harput city, 
together with the houses, were set on fire by cannon-balls. 
Merchants, bankers and others of the principal Armenians 
are obliged to beg their food. If immediate aid is not sent, 
multitudes of the sufferers will perish from hunger and cold 
during the severe winter. (See the table on next page.) 



TABLE OF OUTRAGES. 



445 







^^ 1 


3? ft 


2. p 






<t\ 


<l ffi 




o 

H 






• p" 


P cr p~: 3 

P P B? H 

P (i 2 


P 7^ P £ 






1 


?<\ 




• P 

• 3 


P iS 

a p 
p, p. 


■" 3 

p 
3 


cn 1 

• P 

• =■ 


3 

P- 








T — 


rt 




e rt 
















P 


: S 


f» 


P 
3 
Pj 


cn 1 


Cn 

VO 




10 

vp 
Cn 


•P- 
CO 


to 
•p=. 


ON 

Cn 




to 

ON 


■<t 
Cn 


Cn 
Cn 


Killed. 




8 


Cn 


-P> 


H 


^1 








-P» 


O 


O 


M 


o 


O 


Co 




Co 


to 

-p* 


^J 


to 




^t 


-P> 


Co 
-P» 


Burned. 


Co 


cn 


Cn 


Co 




o 


o 


u 




















Ecclesiastics and Teach- 




















M 




VO 


^J 




-p- 


ON 


-p* 


ers Killed. 


Co 




to 


-P> 




w 


Cn 


VO 


Died from Hunger and 


ON 

ON 


Cn 


on 

O 


vO 
Cn 


ON 


Co 

o 


S 


VO 
O 


Cold. 


4»- 
Co 


.p* 


Co 


vb 






vO 


-P» 


Died in Fields and on 


Co 

O 


O 


to 

O 


ON 

o 




o 


ON 

O 


Cn 

O 


the Road. 


^J 

£ 


H ■ 


^J 


to 

o 




Co 


M 

Co 


o 


Died from Fear. 


to 


to 


Co 


ON 


M 


o 


ON 






















vp 
"to 


ON 


Oo 

M 


VO 




Co 

b 


VO 
.ON 




Total Deaths. 


oo 


Co 


oo 




to 


^j 


^J 


-to 




-p* 


Co 


on 


oo 


Co 


Cn 


ON 


Co 




oo 






IH 




M 


M 


M 




o 

8 




--3 

M 

o 


to 

H 


-<t 


VO 
Cn 


Co 


vO 
00 


Wounded. 


to 

oo 
Cn 


JO 


to 

Co 


Cn 

ON 




M 

bo 


Cn 

vb 


VO 

oo 


Houses Burned. 


ON 




Cn 


o 




ON 


ON 


VO 




to 


o 


O 


to 




o 


o 


O 




H 

On 


H* 


H 


Co 




to 


w 


■P- 


Forcible Conversion to 


M 
^1 


-P» 


Cn 


-P- 
Cn 


tH 


Co 

to 


Cn 

■P* 


ON 

■P* 


Islam. 


vO 


o 


Co 


O 


Co 


o 


O 


Co 




cn 


H 




M 












Cn 
Co 


00 


H 

VO 


M 

to 




Cn 
Cn 


VO 


VO 


Rape. 


O 


o 


to 


O 




to 


Co 


Co 




















Churches, Monasteries 


to 


on 


to 


M 
Co 


as 


Co 

oo 


VO 


a 


and Schools Destroyed. 


Cn 


-p- 


H 






M 


to 


Co 


Married by Force to 


Co 
to 


to 


cn 

ON 


VO 
Cn 




VO 

Co 


ON 


-P* 
cn 


Turks. 


vO 


M 


M 

Co 


M 




VO 


^1 


to 

VO 


Number of Destitute 


oo 


ON 
to 


oo 

Cn 


Cn 


-p* 


On 


VO 


oo 
o 


and Needy. 


i 


D 


Cn 





O 


M 





•p. 





446 NO OCCASION FOR ATTACKS. 

The government makes little effort to provide for the 
security of the people and unless special protection is pro- 
vided, the survivors will perish also. 

" It is impossible to state the amount of the pecuniary loss. 
The single city of Egin has given twelve hundred liras ($5,280) 
as a ransom. (It is said by others to have been fifteen hun- 
dred liras.) 

"These events have occurred for the reasons which I have 
mentioned. I wish to show by this report, which I have 
written from love to humanity, that the Armenians gave no 
occasion for these attacks." 

Strong as these statements are, they are not overdrawn. 
There may be exaggerations in the figures by hundreds and 
thousands, but the facts it is impossible to exaggerate. Every 
place has its own tale of horror, and when individual cases 
are examined the record is too vast for the human imagination. 
Only God and the angels can take it in. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

AlNTAB, MARASH AND UrFA. 

The Situation in Northern Syria — No Revolutionary Movement — Massacre at Aintab — 
Kurdish Women — A Turkish Captain Helps the Pillage — A Colonel Checks it — Caring 
for the Wounded — Two Attacks at Marash — Destruction of American Houses — Brave 
Men in Zeitun — Story of Massacres at Urfa. 

SOUTH of the Taurus Mountains, in what is called 
Northern Syria, are a number of large cities, the most 
important being Aleppo, Antioch, Aintab, Birejik and Urfa. 
On the very edge of the mountains is the city of Marash, 
while in the midst of the range are Zeitun, Albistan, Behesni, 
Adiaman and some other places of more or less note. 
Aleppo is a distinctively Moslem city, and, more noticeable 
still, purely Arabic. Its inhabitants are only to a limited de- 
gree Turks, the great majority, whether Moslem or Christian, 
being of Syrian race. Antioch has less of the Arab element, 
but all the rest are distinctively Turkish and Armenian. The 
Turks are very largely of Turcoman rather than Ottoman or 
Seljuk descent. The Armenians not only lose almost entirely 
their own language, adopting the Turkish, but differ in some 
respects from the Armenians of Asia Minor. Whether this 
is because they are somewhat shut off by the mountains, or 
because they were more bitterly oppressed, or because they 

(447) 



448 MISSIONS ADVANCED. 

more thoroughly accepted the inevitable, it is impossible to 
say. In any case they have been noted for their general 
sturdiness of character, their general prosperity, and a large 
degree of liberality for new ideas. Protestant missions have 
advanced greatly among them, and their system of schools 
established in the cities is probably the best in the empire. 
In general, they have always been peaceable, though in the 
mountains they have not been slow to assert their independ- 
ence. Few Turks cared to enter Zeitun against the will of 
its people, and in Aintab their representatives in the local city 
council were always found self-assertive, though always diplo- 
matic and not aggressive in their manner. As a natural result 
of their interest in education, it came about that a college for 
young men was established in Aintab, and one for young 
women in Marash, and the students in both cities showed 
marked ability and progressive ideas. For the most part 
their relations with the Moslems were friendly, though in 
Marash, where apparently the close proximity of the mountain 
sections seemed to roughen all, there was considerable jealousy 
and antagonism. 

The Armenian Revolutionists apparently made little effort, 
certainly met with no success, to embroil these communities, 
and when the storm burst in the north there was a general 
feeling that these places would be spared. One exception 
might be made in regard to Marash, and the well-known 
jealousy of the Turkish Government in regard to col- 
leges made some fear for Aintab. The mutterings preceding 
the storm were heard, however, as soon as the word of the 
massacre at Constantinople had reached the Turkish popula- 
tion of the region. There was trouble in the smaller places 
first, an attack in Urfa on November 3d ; and then, less than 







(A £ 

«« c 

E </) 
o'C 
id 



• E 
in v 

Z£ 

^ bD 
2.H 

££ 

< E 

_ +J 

Z M 

o-§ 

— -a 
a. 2 



COLLEGE AT AINTAB. 45 1 

two weeks later, the blow fell at Aintab. The following de- 
scription by an eye-witness will give the story better than any 
one else can. The letter is written from the college, which is 
situated on a hill quite a distance from the city. 

"Aintab, Monday, November 18th, 1895. 
"We have been congratulating ourselves that our city had escaped the 
outbreak of Moslem fanaticism which has lately swept the neighboring 
cities with the besom of destruction. But Saturday morning, without the 
slightest warning, while we were at breakfast, a great noise of shouting and 
firing of guns came to us from the city, telling us that the work of blood 
and plunder had begun here, also. My first thought was for the ladies and 
girls at the seminary and hospital. So, seizing my revolver, I sprang upon 
my horse and hurried over there. I met and passed many armed Kurds, 
who live in the suburb just about the hospital and seminary, but they did not 
interfere with me. Upon nearing the city, the confused sound that had 
reached us at the college became resolved into its elements ; and I could 
distinguish the hoarse cries of fighting men, the screams of women and 
children, and, most terrible of all, the shrill, exultant lu-lu-lu-lu of the 
Kurdish and Turkish women, cheering on their men to the attack. I found 
the girls' school and hospital had not, as yet, been attacked. Dr. Hamil- 
ton and Miss Trowbridge preferred to remain at their post of duty rather 
than to join the ladies at the seminary, which decision I could not oppose. 
Upon my return to the seminary, which is separated from the hospital yard 
by a narrow street only, I found Brother Sanders there, and shortly our 
nearest neighbor, Hadji Hussein Agha, came in and said that at the outbreak 
which occurred at the Bazar, he had hastened at the top of his speed — not 
great at best, for he is a very fat man — to protect the hospital and 
girls' school. As I had saved his brother's life by a desperate surgical 
operation some years ago, and always been on friendly terms with him, I felt 
we could trust him to do his best. But when, a few minutes later, some 200 
soldiers in uniform, with fixed bayonets, filed out of the street below 
and marched into the open just beyond the seminary, I felt a great relief; 
for that meant that the government intended to protect the Americans at 
least. From the upper veranda of the seminary we could plainly see the 
crowd of plunderers breaking into Christian houses and carrying off house- 



452 MASSACRE AT AINTAB. 

hold goods. We could see the brave defense made by some of the Chris^ 
tians from the housetops with stones and firearms, where they had them, and 
still the horrid lu-lu-lu of the Kurdish women rent the air, mingled with the 
screams of the conquered, wounded and the dying, the hoarse cries of the 
men and the frequent reports of the firearms. An attack was made upon 
the hospital gate, but Hadji Hussein held the assailants in check until the 
soldiers arrived and drove them off. Clouds of smoke from a fire in the 
lower part of the city added to the terror of the women servants at the hos- 
pital, some of whom lived in that neighborhood. But the girls at the 
school behaved very well indeed. About noon, seeing that there was no im- 
mediate danger of an attack upon the seminary or hospital, I left Brother 
Sanders there and returned to the college. Here I found some thirty or 
forty refugees, mostly stonecutters, who had been out on the hills at work, 
and a few women and children. 

" Not long after noon the disturbance in the part of the city near us had 
mostly ceased, although the occasional sound of guns and the smoke of 
burning houses from the central part of the city showed that the fiendish 
work still went on ; and a continual passing of villagers with bundles of 
plunder on their backs, and some with donkey loads and camel loads, 
showed too plainly that the looted area must have been considerable. Al- 
though not anticipating a night attack, we thought it wise to make prepara- 
tions for one, and so barricaded the most defensible of the buildings on the 
campus for a rendezvous, set a watch and retired. But there was not much 
sleep. Nothing occurred during the night, and a cloudy morning broke 
above the city. At sunrise the villagers had already begun to enter the 
city ; but soon after that the soldiers began to stop them, in a half-hearted 
sort of way, allowing them to congregate in large numbers a short distance 
away from the line of soldiers. About eleven o'clock I saw through my 
field-glass a captain on a white horse (I recognized both the. man and the 
horse) approach a crowd of the plunderers, about two hundred strong, who 
had been driven away from the city, upon the hill, a quarter of a mile or so 
to the south, and make a harangue to them. Then he turned back toward 
the city with the soldiers who had been holding back the mob ; and before they 
had reached the city the whole crowd had swarmed past them and entered 
the streets ; then I knew the scenes of the day before were to be repeated, 
so taking my field-glass I mounted to the college tower as offering a better 
view. I did not have long to wait before the head of the crowd appeared, 



CHRISTIAN QUARTER LOOTED. 453 

coming up through Pasha Street, which had been completely looted the day 
before. They poured out of the street, a motley crowd of Turkish villagers, 
city Kurds, and roughs to the number of fifteen hundred or so, and turning 
to the right made a rush for the Christian quarter of Haik. That quarter 
has a strong gate across its entrance, and thirty or forty Christians were 
gathered upon the housetops, commanding the approach to this gate, armed 
with stones and two or three guns ; and with the advantage afforded by their 
position on the fiat roofs they held the mob at bay for three-fourths of an 
hour, and finally drove them off. Meantime, on the north side of the city, 
I saw the same Yftzbashi on the white horse. Here there were, perhaps, 
one thousand plunderers held in check by thirty or forty soldiers. Not long 
after the Ytizbashi made his appearance in that quarter, a part of their mob 
made a break, and some two or three hundred of them rushed into a small 
Christian quarter just under the seminary wall, and in a very few minutes 
were to be seen running off with their plunder. In the case of both these 
attacks there were plenty of soldiers standing about with loaded guns and 
fixed bayonets, who made not the slightest attempt to prevent the attack, or 
to scatter the mob ; and the conclusion was irresistible that the Yvlzbashi on 
the white horse had planned the attack in each case, or at least had signified 
to the mob that it could work its will. But his plans did not work al- 
together to his taste, for while the plunder was going on upon the north side, a 
Bimbashi (colonel) appeared upon the scene, and very soon the soldiers were 
firing over the heads of the mob to frighten them, and they were flying pell- 
mell out of the city. I wondered at the time that they should be so much 
frightened by a few guns fired into the air ; but from a perfectly reliable 
source we learned that the Bimbashi shot four of the mob with his own 
hand, which would account for the celerity with which they dispersed. I 
attempted to go to the hospital yesterday morning and again this morning, 
but was not allowed to do so. Mr. Sanders brought word that the wounded 
of the north side attack yesterday, had been taken to the hospital, and one 
of them had died in the night, others being in a bad way. Dr. Hamilton 
had cared for them with the help of Miss Trowbridge and Solomon, our sur- 
gical assistant. We are as yet unable to form any idea of the number of the 
killed and wounded, or of the extent of the plundering, although we know 
of four outlying Christian quarters that have been entirely looted. The 
main part of the Christians live in the two quarters of Haik and Kyajuk, 
which have so far escaped. The women and children of two quarters that 



454 CARING FOR THE WOUNDED. 

were entirely looted are confined in the mosques of the quarters, with the 
choice of ' Islam or death ; ' but if not murdered before that time will, of 
course, be liberated as soon as the government gets control of the city again. 
To-day the plunderers from outside have been kept out of the city, but 
villagers have been freely allowed to go out of the city with their booty, 
until just now as I write this, at 2 p. m., a company of mounted gendarmes 
from Aleppo, which arrived this morning, has been sent out into the roads 
leading out of the city, to arrest plunderers and take their booty from them. 
" This, I take it, means that the trouble is nearly over. How I wish that 
I could get into the city to look after the wounded. We have made applica- 
tion to the governor for permission to go to the hospital, but have as yet 
received no reply; yesterday he refused a similar request, and as there is a 
large body of soldiers between here and there, it is impossible to go. 

" Sunday Evening, November 24th. 
"It seems at least a month since I wrote the first part of this letter. 
Tuesday morning I was allowed to go into the city to see the Kaimakam 
and the 'Alai Pasha' — military commander — in whose company I found 
most of the notables of the Moslem community. I appealed to them for 
safe conduct for the wounded to be brought to the hospital and for burial of 
the dead. Both of which requests they granted ; and I had not been back 
at the hospital more than half an hour when Dr. Habib, with an escort of 
soldiers, brought in some fifty or sixty patients. We were soon at work, and 
a ghastly set they were. They had been wounded upon the Saturday before, 
and had lain either exposed to the weather or crowded into a dirty stable all 
that time. Those who had escaped the ministration of the native hakim 
were fortunate ; for all the wounded which he had touched were in a terribly 
septic state. The wounds were mostly made by knives or swords upon the 
heads, or hands and arms raised to ward off the head blows; and very few 
of the poor fellows had escaped without several, and some of them had ten 
or a dozen cuts. There were a few bayonet and gunshot wounds inflicted 
by the soldiers. In the middle of the afternoon, just as we began to con- 
gratulate ourselves that we were getting through with them, a batch of twenty- 
one more arrived, which kept us busy until dark. Among those brought in that 
day there were four or five fractured skulls, and two arms that I had to 
amputate, besides several other very severe cases. Three of them have since 
died. Each day since there have been some new cases brought in, until the 



CHRISTIANS TERROR-STRICKEN. 455 

number of wounded that we have treated at the hospital now exceeds 150. 
We have as yet no means of knowing the number of the dead; for while 
they readily promised protection for the burial, that promise was not carried 
out. Most of the Christian dead were dragged to the outskirts of the city 
with every imaginable indignity and either burned or cast into the old 
quarries that abound upon the edge of the city, and left for the dogs and 
vultures to eat. Some of them, after being thrown into these pits, were 
covered out of sight by casting stones upon them. The best estimate 
obtainable puts the number of the killed at between 300 and 400 for the 
Christians and 10 or 12 from the Moslems. The massacre began in the market 
without the slightest warning, and the poor unarmed Christians were scattered 
like sheep before their well-armed assailants, who outnumbered them three to 
one. The carnage soon spread from the bazars and markets to the outlying 
Christian quarters of the city. All the Christian shops were plundered, and 
four outlying wards, mostly occupied by the poorest classes. When the mob 
reached the more compact Christian quarters of the city, they met with some 
vigorous resistance; and many of the streets have heavy gates which were 
closed, and some of them well defended ; so their progress was checked, until 
night came down and put an end to the scene. So far as I can learn there 
was no attempt made by either the government or the Moslem beys and 
effendis during the whole of that terrible Saturday to stop the killing and 
looting, except that they hurried a large force of soldiers out for the defense 
of the foreign residents. The soldiers took part in the pillage and 
did nothing to prevent the butchery, although not doing a large part of 
the latter themselves. The following day they began to repress the populace, 
as I have already narrated in the earlier part of this letter, and up to the 
present have succeeded in preventing any further general outbreak; but the 
poor Christians are terror-stricken, and all of them await their death in their 
houses or the churches. Yesterday there was a determined attempt upon 
the part of a large mob to attack the Christian part of the city, but the 
military quelled it without much difficulty. This took place upon the 
southern side of the city; and while the soldiers were mostly withdrawn 
to that side, two or three houses were looted upon the northern side of 
the city, but no one killed. 

" December 8th, 1895. 
" The time drags on, with no great change in the situation. There has 
been no further outbreak since my last writing, and the strain seems some- 



456 ATTACKS UNPROVOKED. 

what relaxed ; but the Christians dare not stir out of their houses yet, and 
all business is at a standstill. The college is still shut off from the city by a 
cordon of soldiers ; and I am the only one allowed to go back and forth 
without obtaining special permission each time from the captain of the 
guard, and I am not allowed to enter the city except with a guard of two 
soldiers. This is ostensibly for my protection, but practically restricts my 
intercourse with the people very much, and debars me from much informa- 
tion that I might otherwise obtain. We had from Judge Terrell a telegraphic 
offer of an armed escort to the coast, where a United States cruiser awaited 
us ; but we could not entertain the thought of leaving these poor people in 
their terror and distress, although we were in a good deal of anxiety for our 
women and children. There are now between 3,000 and 4,000 soldiers in 
the city, and so long as they remain under the control of the authorities 
there is no danger of another massacre. There are rumors among the 
Moslems of a commission coming here this week to investigate the massacre, 
and they are in a good deal of apprehension. 

"Yesterday the Kaimakam asked me if I were willing to go to Zeitun on 
behalf of the government to negotiate for peace. I, of course, expressed 
myself as willing and glad to do so if the government would offer such 
terms as these Zeitunlis might probably accept, and he proceeded to com- 
municate with higher officials. I have not yet had any further advice from 
him. I have managed to get a half-day's rest to-day for the first time in 
three Sabbaths. Our patients are all doing well, except one, who may very 
likely die from thrombosis of the cerebral sinuses. The best information I 
can get leads me to place the killed at not less than 400. The attack was 
wholly unprovoked, and the fact that not more than ten Moslems were 
killed, shows for itself that it was a mere butchery. Women and girls were 
not molested except in a few cases, when they attempted to defend their 
husbands or sons ; but little boys were killed as ruthlessly as the men. It 
has been a terrible time, and I have not written the horrible details that you 
must have before you in order to realize the fiendish brutality of the affair. 
One thing which has made it particularly hard to bear has been the impossi- 
. bility of communicating with the outside world, either to learn what is going 
on there or to acquaint others with the state of things here. Our letters 
have been intercepted in the mails, no newspapers allowed to reach us, our 
telegrams not sent, etc. ; and when we have attempted to send special mes- 
sengers, they have been arrested and treated as spies, imprisoned, and we 



A PERMITTED MASSACRE. 457 

think in two cases killed. Letters are not now interfered with to the same 
extent as before, and if things continue to improve I shall try to send this 
by next post. We have felt that the Everlasting Arm was underneath us 
through it all, and it has been a great pleasure to me personally to be able 
to help the sick and wounded. What is to become of the thousands of 
homeless widows and orphans during the coming winter? Aintab has 
escaped with little loss as compared with many places ; and still in Aintab 
there are at least 2,000 people who must be wholly supported by charity dur- 
ing this winter." 

Three days after the attack at Aintab came the massacre at 
Marash. There had already been one outbreak on November 
13th, and for four weeks there had been increasing disturbance, 
but the chief massacre occurred on the 18th. As to the first, 
an eye-witness wrote : 

"Thus far at least fifty have been killed, and perhaps 300 
have been wounded, some of them fatally. The affair is at- 
tributed to a quarrel between a Mussulman and an Armenian, 
in which the Mussulman was fatally injured. This was on the 
24th of October. The next day, after the man was buried, the 
attack began. According to a Turkish official the outbreak 
would have occurred in any case, even had not this fatal 
altercation precipitated it. The disorder commenced on 
Friday, the 25th. Word came around that the plan had been 
to have it on Sunday, when the Armenian population would 
have been in the churches. We do not certainly know this. 
But nothing could be more apparent than that it was, at 
least, a permitted massacre. The worst occurred after the 
Mutessarif had sent a crier around three times to order the 
Armenians to open their shops on pain of fine. Those who 
obeyed had their shops pillaged. This is only too significant. 
Not a Moslem has been arrested for injuries to Christians. A 
few who aided the Christians have been arrested. The order 



45§ LETTER FROM MARASH. 

of the day now is gradually to arrest the Armenians who are 
prominent in influence or position. Two days ago the pastor 
of the Third Protestant Church was imprisoned. He is as 
innocent of any political crime as I am." 

As to the second attack, the following letter gives an in- 
teresting account. It was written from the Girls' College, on 
the mountain just outside of the city: 

"Marash, Nov. 26th. 

"We survived the massacre of Nov. 18th, though we had given up all hope 
for hours. For four weeks previously Christians had been shot at sight in 
the streets, houses plundered, men's heads put on pikes, and two cases in my 
knowledge where little girls had been disemboweled. It was a reign of ter- 
ror, culminating in the butchery of the 18th. Early that morning the three 
church quarters were fired, and the steady report of the guns told us of the 
work of annihilation. 

" We took the girls (of the college) and crossed the seminary yard into the 
one occupied by the Lees and McCalloms. It was not a moment too soon, 
as the houses overlooking their walls were then being plundered, and we 
plainly saw what was in progress. It was about 9 o'clock. The Arab sol- 
diers had been turned loose on the city. A number of regiments were 
drawn up west of the city ready to lend assistance if there should be any 
opposition. A company was on a hill near us, not regulars, but still in uni- 
form, to see that no one interfered here, and the Arab fiends had possession. 
I cannot now describe the scenes we witnessed. The raiding of the houses 
in the seminary yard, the killing of our two men and a third riddled with 
bullets. Finally they were held up and chopped and hacked with the sword 
as mercilessly and with as little purpose as a child attacks a mullein head. 
After the soldiers had left to carry away a load of our academy stores, the 
old women and children came in to carry away what was left. It seemed the 
plan that everything must go. I had said, 'There will be a larger and bet- 
ter organized force come here, for they may think we can resist.' There 
were 290 people in the two houses, chiefly women and children, and as still 
as death ; and our girls, our sweet-faced girls, who tortured us with no 
wailing, but looking, in a heart-rendering manner, into our faces for the 
comfort and assurance that had never failed before. Everything was given 



STARVATION ON EVERY HAND. 459 

over. The smoke and dusk were closing in around us. The seminary yard 
was nearly finished. A lull of perhaps a moment. We peeped through the 
curtains (Miss B. and I), and turning to each other, quietly said, ' They've 
come.' 

"A large force of Arabs was in the street, drawn up in order, each with his 
gun ready for firing, I thought, and started to go below to our girls, to be 
with them to the last. Someone was pounding on the street door, and we 
heard friendly calls. Mr. McCallom gave a glance at his wife and babies 
and said, 'I must go,' and he went. The calling continued and we were 
puzzled. But the gate, on being opened, let in some of our people and a 
colonel who had come with a guard— the first in all that day. We had seen 
the man on horseback in the afternoon, riding among the soldiers and play- 
fully hitting them on the shoulders as if pretending to drive them away. 
This only made us feel sure that the government had doomed us and wanted 
a pretext for trying to protect us. Fortunately for me, the two wounded 
theologues were brought in, and I had my hands full till midnight, when one 
of them died. The other was shot and hacked up terribly, but I dressed his 
wounds and he is still alive. The condition in the city is beyond descrip- 
tion. Starvation on every hand ; the best of our people gone. The sol- 
diers estimate as their day's work 4,700 dead, but it is too much. They 
were occupied with plunder. One young man was given the alternative of 
death or becoming a Moslem. He chose death and they struck his head off. 
His poor body was taken to his mother, who, taking his hand and kissing it, 
said : ' Rather so, my son, than living to deny our Lord and Saviour.' He 
is one of thousands to sacrifice his life rather than deny Christ." 

This, however, was not all. At Zeitun, not far away, the 
Turkish troops had made an effort to attack the Armenians. 
They in their turn arose, made the Turks prisoners, fortified 
their position and defied the government. The effect was 
manifest in Marash, which was made the headquarters for 
the troops that soon came pouring in to put down this sole 
instance of real insurrection in the whole empire. From that 
time on, riot in greater or less degree was continuous, and 

every Christian in the city, foreigner and native, lived in con- 

27 



460 INDICATIONS OF TROUBLE. 

stant terror. For more than three months the brave Zeitun 
men held out, trusting in their own pluck, skill and knowledge 
of the country, and at last, late in February, 1896, the Turkish 
Government was forced to give them honorable terms of 
peace. 

For a month attention was specially directed to Zeitun 
and the mountain cities, including Adiaman, but by the middle 
of December there were indications that trouble was to break 
out again in Urfa. That city was for a long time identified 
with Ur of the Chaldees, not merely by Moslem tradition, but 
in Christian books. It was, too, the seat of government of 
Abgar, the Armenian king, to whom, according to Armenian 
historians, Thaddeus preached, and who had the unique honor 
of a letter from the Saviour. Here, too, was the home of 
Ephrem Syrus, the famous ecclesiastic of the earlier Syrian 
Church. Moslem and Christian interest and pride centered 
alike about the place, and in some respects there was excep- 
tional Moslem fanaticism. In the city was a single American 
missionary lady. Anxious for her safety, the missionaries at 
Aintab had made efforts to bring her there, but she remained. 
Her account of the scenes at that time is given below : 

LETTER FROM A MISSIONARY. 

" We had often heard that the Moslems were dissatisfied with the attempt 
of two months ago which resulted in the destruction of only 40 lives and 
about ^150,000 worth of goods, the plunder of 600 shops and 289 houses. 
After this the Christians were all completely disarmed by the government. 
Some 80 men had been imprisoned, and we feared another scene of terror. 
It came at last with great suddenness. 

" On Saturday, December 28th, the firing of a few guns in the Moslem 
quarter south of us proved the signal. Immediately an immense multitude 
gathered on the hill back of our house. The guards in the street east of us 
went to meet the people, fired a kvr shots over their heads, and then allowed 



GREGORIAN CHURCH MASSACRE. 461 

the mass of wild humanity, thirsty for blood, to pass into the city and 
begin their work. The horrid work continued until dark. Three soldiers 
kept the mob from entering our street, constantly proclaiming : ' It is the 
house of a foreigner, and it is forbidden to touch her.' We find by count 
that our ' shadow ' covered 1 7 houses and 240 people. The mob came as 
far as to enter our girls' schoolrooms in the churchyard, and they broke 
open the third door below us on the street and plundered the house. I 
saw one man beaten and then thrown down on the roof just opposite to me 
on the other side of the street. The Syrians and Roman Catholics were 
also spared. All other Christians suffered complete loss of all home fur- 
nishings, and some houses were burned. The number of killed cannot be 
less than 3,500 and may reach 4,000. Of these it is estimated that 1,500 
perished in the great Gregorian church. On Saturday that portion of the 
city was hardly touched, and great numbers of Armenians flocked to the 
church for safety that night. Sunday morning the work began again at day- 
break, and when the people reached the church the soldiers broke open the 
doors. Then entering, they began a butchery which became a great holo- 
caust. It was participated in by many classes of Moslems. For two days 
the air of the city was unendurable; then began the clearing up. During 
two days we saw constantly men lugging sacks filled with bones and ashes. 
The dragging off of 1,500 bodies for burial in trenches was more quickly 
completed, some being taken on animals. The last work of all has been 
the clearing of the wells. From one very large well it is said that 60 bodies 
were taken. It is well authenticated that 20 bodies were taken from another 
well. About 300 persons escaped from the church by way of the roof, 
which was reached by a narrow staircase on the inside. Shortly after noon 
on Sunday, some fifteen or more of the prominent citizens and government 
officials (not including the Mutessarif, or the military commander), preceded 
by a military band and mounted guard, made a grand parade of the city. 
They entered our yard, and, speaking with me from the veranda, they as- 
sured me of perfect safety and begged me not to be alarmed, as it was 
'nothing that pertained to me.' I very quickly went into my room. 

" The work did not cease until dark on Sunday, the 29th. On Monday 
the Kurds and Arabs were prevented from entering the city, the firing be- 
ginning about dawn. All day Sunday a strong guard was about our prem- 
ises. A captain of the army sat on his horse for hours at our northwest 
corner, just outside of the church premises. Repeatedly I received saluta- 



462 PROTESTANT PASTOR KILLED. 

tions and assurances of perfect safety from government officials during that 
longest day I ever knew. It was evident that the utmost was done to pro- 
tect me. How willingly I would have died, that the thousands of parents 
might be spared for their children ! 

"The work of plunder is complete. Literally naught remains. By ac- 
tual count only ten Protestant houses remain untouched, and five of these 
are in the district which I have spoken of as my shadow. 

" Our loss of life is 105, all but nine being men. These nine include two 
women and seven children, who were in the Gregorian Church when it was 
sacked. Our wounded are many. I have eighteen under my immediate 
care. Most of these have several severe wounds. One has n ; one has 18; 
ghastly sword and axe cuts on head and neck. There are a few gunshot 
wounds. There is only one doctor for the whole city. He has 350, and 
cannot care for more, nor for these but in part. He came at my call to see 
one who we supposed must lose his hand, dressed the arm and committed 
the case to my care. Thus far, thank God, all are doing well. I have 
found three persons who, like myself, are inexperienced in such matters ; 
but they are proving careful, sensible workers with me. We dress most of 
the wounds in the church. Our schoolrooms (all but one, used as head- 
quarters of our guard) are crowded with some 250 or 300 of the most forlorn 
and needy. Our home is also full. Those who are spared to their families 
are in great fear, and wish to be near me. We cannot receive all, and it is 
hard to daily turn away so many. Some have a little food, found in their 
houses, and some nothing. One of the several great men who have called 
to express sympathy, and to say, Turkish style, ' It was from God,' has 
sent provisions, for which I am exceedingly grateful. 

"The government provides about 200 loaves of bread per day for the 
poor. But all this kindness will soon come to an end, and utter poverty will 
be the lot of most. The Protestant pastor, the Rev. H. Abouhayatian, and 
several efficient members of the church, are among the dead. I tried to se- 
cure the body of the pastor, but failed. His children — six — they im- 
mediately granted to me. 

"The custom in these affairs, so general in Turkey, seems to be for one 
party to rush ahead and kill. This is followed by another party which hur- 
ries off the women and children to some mosque, khan or some Moslem home 
temporarily open for their reception. Lastly, this operation is followed by 
the stripping of the house. Children often get separated from their parents 



GREGORIAN TEACHERS. 463 

and are late in being found. One of the earliest offers made to me was to 
undertake finding any lost if I would send in the full name. My own guards, 
twenty in number since Sunday, do my every bidding as if I were a queen. 
I use them for help in all sorts of ways. 

" Markets are closed, and it is very difficult to get some things much 
needed. We have had but forty-five beds given back to us of those plundered, 
and a few pieces of copper ; as yet I fail to secure more, or instructions as to 
method of procedure for individuals to secure stolen goods. The govern- 
ment has large numbers of beds and much copper ware stored for return to 
the owners, but all fear to stir lest the end has not yet come. 

" The aged Bishop of the Gregorians was spared, but only one, or possi- 
bly two priests. 

" Our own teacher of the Boys' High School and several Gregorian teach- 
ers were killed. I believe the Gregorians are in greater suffering than the 
Protestants, having no foreigner to do for them, and any efficient ones spared 
are afraid to venture out. 

" To-day the long-expected soldiers have arrived — eight or nine hundred. 
Our city has been guarded (?) by resident soldiers. We must have your 
prayers and your pecuniary aid. How are the people to live through this 
winter? 

"Urfa, January 7th, 1896." 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Character of the Massacres. 

Massacres at Sivas, Cesarea, Birejik, Bitlis, and the Region ©f Mardin — Protection by the 
Turkish Government for the Jacobites — General Survey — Place and Time of the Mas- 
sacres — Victims Exclusively Armenians — Effort to Destroy the Strength of the Nation — 
Motive — Responsibility of the Turkish Government and of the Sultan. 

THE massacres at Sassun, Trebizond, Erzrum, Harput, 
Aintab, Marash and Urfa were in some respects the 
most important, though there were others where the loss 
of life was greater. Those included Diarbekir, where 
nearly if not quite 2,500 were slain ; Gurun, in the moun- 
tainous region of the Taurus, where the number reached 3,000, 
and several where over 1,000 perished. With regard to most 
of these, full and accurate reports, however, are as yet wanting. 
This chapter includes briefer accounts of certain places, to- 
gether with a brief survey of the general characteristics 
of all. 

In Central Asia Minor, the most important city is that of 
Sivas. It is the capital of the province and the trade centre 
of a large section. Its population is Turkish and Armenian, 
the Turks being largely in the majority. There is also a 
considerable Kurdish element both in the city itself and in the 
mountainous section to the south. The following account of 
the outbreak was received from a perfectly reliable source: 
(464) 



MERCHANTS AND CLERKS KILLED. 465 

"The outbreak began on the 12th (November) and was 
' permitted ' to continue for seven days ; during this ' bloody 
week' about 1,200 Armenians and 10 Turks were killed. 
Suddenly at noon, as if at a given signal, the Turkish laborers 
seized their tools, clubs, or whatever was at hand ; soldiers, 
Circassians and police with their arms, all under command of 
officers — aided by the Moslem women and children, rushed 
to the market to begin their dreadful work of killing, stripping 
the dead and looting the houses. No resistance was made 
by the Armenians, who seemed overpowered in the sudden- 
ness of the onslaught, the number of their armed assailants 
and the relentless ferocity with which they were pursued to 
their death. The shops of the Armenian merchants, whether 
wholesale or retail, were looted by the rioters and soldiers. 
Many of the merchants and their clerks were killed ; thus at 
one blow the Armenian element was eliminated from the 
trade at Sivas. As the importing business had been in their 
hands almost exclusively, it is difficult to foresee anything to 
avert the impending financial disaster. The Armenian 
villagers in that vicinity have been robbed of everything, and 
the people are left to beg and die. A gentleman in high official 
standing, who has had unusual opportunities for information, 
uses the following language with regard to this affair : ' Don't 
be deceived by any of the silly government statements which 
attribute all these massacres to Armenians. It was a deliberate 
plan on the part of the government to punish the Armenians. 
The Sultan was irritated because he was forced to give them 
reforms, so he has had 7,000 Armenians killed to show his 
power, since he signed the scheme of reforms. The govern- 
ment has smashed some Turkish shop windows to show that the 
Armenians did it.' Food was scarce ; everything was carried 



466 GREAT TRENCH TO HOLD THE DEAD. 

off from the Armenian shops. There will be an immense 
amount of suffering all over the country. It is said to be a 
fact, that the Kaimakim (Governor) of Gurun telegraphed to 
the Vali (Governor-General of the Province) at Sivas, saying 
in effect, * You may rest assured that there is not an Armenian 
left in Gurun.' The Armenians at Gurun made some resist- 
ance to being butchered and suffered worse for it. (Gurun 
is a large village about twenty-four hours from Sivas. It has 
a population of io.ooo, one-half Armenians.) 

"As the fury of this storm of blood and greed subsided, the 
stricken Armenians of Sivas slowly gathered the mangled and 
naked bodies of their kinsmen to their cemetery, where a great 
trench had been dug to hold the horrid harvest of death. A 
single priest read a short service over the long and ghastly 
rank ; and thus was closed another chapter in the yet unfinished 
story of cruelty, lust and fanaticism." 

West of Sivas, in the ancient province of Cappadocia, is 
the city of Cesarea. It has a large Moslem population, 
chiefly Turkish of pure blood, as is the greater part of the race in 
that section. The Christian population is both Armenian and 
Greek, the former being largely predominant in the city, 
though there are a number of Greek villages in the plain. 
The Armenians here, as in the region south of the Taurus, 
use Turkish chiefly and are noted for their general sturdiness 
of character, and furnished very little support for the 
Huntchagist movement. For the most part, their relations 
with the Turks have been friendly, and the governors of the 
city, which is in the province of Angora, have frequently been 
men of character who have endeavored to deal justly by all 
classes. Cesarea being outside of the six provinces men- 
tioned in the general plan of reforms, there was hope that it 




LOOTING IN STAMBOUL. Scene of the Riots. Breaking open stores 
and houses and stealing the goods of Armenians. 




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MASSACRE AT CESAREA. 469 

would escape, but the following, from a letter by a resident, 
will tell the story of the scenes that followed close upon the 
news that came from other places. 

" Cesarea, December 2d, 1895. 

"At last the storm has struck us and the horror of the past three days is 
beyond description. On Saturday, at about 2 p. m., one of our school boys 
rushed into my room crying : ' The destruction has begun ! ' I hastened 
to our roof and saw the scene which has so often been enacted of late. 
Turks beating and killing every Armenian on whom they could lay their 
hands. Much of the fiendish work was carried on from the roofs of the 
houses, for here in Cesarea a large portion of the houses have flat mud roofs, 
and one can go nearly everywhere on the roofs, they being practically con- 
tinuous. 

" Turks swarmed over the houses, breaking in doors and windows, stoning, 
beating, cutting, shooting whoever opposed them, and many who did not. 
I succeeded several times in turning back the crowd from the roofs imme- 
diately adjoining our house, but beyond that I could do nothing. They 
evidently had strict orders to let us alone. . . . No special guard was sent 
to our house, but by calling upon passing soldiers I got temporary men 
stationed near our door, but they would stay but a few minutes, then were off 
to have their share in the business. However, we suffered no harm, but on the 
contrary, succeeded in protecting many whose houses were attacked. They 
came rushing over the roofs and up the ladder which I placed for them, until 
we had over sixty people under our narrow roof. (Later they had 109.) 
The strain- was terrible for three hours, but after sundown it gradually 
quieted. 

" Firing on the mob by the troops was absolutely forbidden until special 
orders to fire were received from Constantinople. This order was delayed 
till about sunset. I have this direct from soldiers and believe it to be true. 
From sunset on I give the government credit for making honest attempts 
to restore quiet. On Sunday a. m. there was considerable disturbance, 
quieted by noon. I then succeeded in getting two soldiers to accompany 
me to the governor — he gave me six men for a guard. This morning again 
there was disturbance, and a house near was attacked, but my men drove 
them away. The worst was at evening, and seems to be past, but what 
has been passes description. To-day I have been about looking up some 



470 



WOMEN CUT DOWN. 



persons and seeing some of the wounded. Men and women were literally 
hacked to pieces; certainly several hundred, and some Turks say 1,000 
were killed. 

"Saturday, 7 p. M. Women as well as men were fearfully handled. 
Several thousand fierce fellows came from the neighboring Turkish villages 
to help on the diabolical work, and many women were carried away. This 
morning I was told that a bride and a young girl had been taken from a 
neighboring house to the house of a Turk near by. The husband who was 
in the market at the time, came and begged me to help him get them back. 
On going to the Turkish house with two of my soldiers I found that the 
girls had not been ill treated and the house owner readily gave them up. 
In order to save their lives they had said, ' We are Moslems.' I know of 
other Turkish families where Christians were sheltered. These are about 
the only bright spots in a very dark picture. To add to the horror, many 
houses were burned and some perished in the flames. Dr. Avedis Effendi 
(an influential preacher for many years), with wife and oldest son, were 
killed. 

"I think the attack here was a concession to the thirsty mob, who could 
not see why they should not have their fling as well as those in Sivas and 
elsewhere. 

" Our hearts are sick. We are so powerless to aid and comfort. Our 
school boys are all safe. 

" December 3d. We breathe easier this morning, but I cannot be sure all 
danger is past. The method taken with the women was to demand that 
they proclaim themselves Moslems. If they refused, as many did, even 
girls from twelve to fifteen years of age, they were cut down mercilessly. 
This fact can be substantiated with the utmost ease. Should the troops with- 
draw, worse destruction is sure to follow. Neighboring villages have suf- 
fered still worse, many of them stripped once, and twice, and thrice, till 
nothing is left." 

The city of Birejik is on the Euphrates, between Urfa and 
Aintab. It is a prosperous place, with a population of perhaps 
10,000 to 12,000, overwhelmingly Moslem, partly Turkish, 
partly Arab in origin. 

"After the massacre at Urfa, on the twenty-seventh of 



ARMENIANS DISARMED. 



471 



October, 1895, the authorities at Birejik told the Armenians 
that the Moslems were afraid of them, and that therefore they 
(the Armenians) must surrender to the government any arms 
that they possessed. This was done, the most rigid search 
being instituted to assure the authorities that nothing what- 
ever in the way of arms remained in the hands of the Arme- 
nians. This disarmament caused no little anxiety to the Ar- 
menians, since the Moslem population was very generally 
armed, and was constantly adding to its arms. In fact, dur- 
ing- the months of November and December the Christians 
have been kept within their houses because the danger of 
appearing upon the streets was very great. 

" Troops were called out by the government to protect the 
people. Since the soldiers had come to protect the Christians, 
the Christians were required to furnish animals for them to 
carry their goods. Then they were required to furnish them 
with beds and carpets, to make them more comfortable. 
Finally, they were required to furnish the soldiers with food, 
and they were reduced to a state bordering on destitution by 
these increasing demands. 

"The end came on the first of January, 1896, when the 
news of the massacre of several thousands of Christians at 
Urfa by the soldiers appointed to guard them incited the 
troops at Birejik to imitate this crime. The assault on the 
Christian houses commenced about nine o'clock in the morn- 
ing, and lasted until nightfall. The soldiers were aided by 
the Moslems of the city in the terrible work. The object at 
first seemed to be mainly plunder; but after the plunder had 
been secured, the soldiers seemed to make a systematic search 
for men, to kill those who were unwilling to accept Moham- 
medanism. The cruelty used to force men to become Moslems 



472 



OLD MAN TORTURED. 



was terrible. In one case the soldiers found some twenty 
people, men, women and children, who had taken refuge in a 
sort of cave. They dragged them out and killed all the men 
and boys because they would not become Moslems. After 
cutting down one old man, who had thus refused, they put 
live coals upon his body, and as he was writhing in torture 
they held a Bible before him and mockingly asked him to 
read them some of the promises in which he had trusted. 
Others were thrown into the river while still alive, after having 
been cruelly wounded. The women and children of this party 
were loaded up like goods upon the backs of porters and 
carried off to the houses of Moslems. Christian girls were 
eagerly sought after, and much quarreling occurred over the 
question of their division among their captors. Every Chris- 
tian home except two, claimed to be owned by Turks, was 
plundered. Ninty-six men are known to have been killed, or 
about half of the adult Christian men. The other half have 
become Mussulmans to save their lives, so that there is not a 
single Christian left in Birejik to-day. The Armenian church 
has been made into a mosque and the Protestant church into a 
mosque school." 

It was natural that after the Sassun massacre attention 
should be turned to that section of country, including the 
cities of Mush, Bitlis and Van. In Van the Armenians are 
very strong, probably not outnumbering the Moslems, who 
are chiefly Kurds, but so important an element that in a strife 
they would be able to defend themselves with considerable 
success. They are also of a generally higher grade of intel- 
ligence and force of character than most of the race, and have 
always been held somewhat in awe by the Turks. Their vil- 
lages in the vicinity, however, have been subject to constant 



LETTER FROM BITLIS. 473 

raids by the Kurds, and have suffered terribly. Bitlis is one 
of the most picturesque cities in Turkey; surrounded by 
high mountains and divided among the valleys so that it is 
impossible to get a general view of it. It is almost entirely 
cut off from the surrounding country by the snow during a 
considerable part of the winter, and is at all times difficult of 
access. The population, both Kurdish and Armenian — there 
are very few Turks — is rough and uncouth in manners and 
appearance. It has always been a turbulent city, and it was 
inevitable that it should feel the pressure of the prevailing 
uneasiness throughout the empire. The situation is thus 
graphically described by a letter written early in December, 
1895: 

"The summer just past has been a quiet one, interest chiefly centering in 
the work of distribution at Sassun, where the gentlemen have been laboring 
five months, annoyed by every sort of opposition and insult on the part of 
the Turkish officials, and any success in their efforts is due entirely to the 
presence and vigorous support of the British Consul for Bitlis. Proof of the 
quietness of the region and of the confidence all felt in that future which 
was to be so wisely provided for by the ambassadors of the Christian nations 
of Europe, is found in the fact that the writer made, without apprehension, 
the four days' journey from Bitlis to Van, with the intention of staying a few 
weeks in the latter city. Three weeks later the storm broke. The Sultan 
accepted the scheme of reforms. The Moslems of Bitlis, forming a large 
majority of the population, and more fanatical than their co-religionists in 
other cities, had told the Armenians that in case of such acceptance the 
Turks would see to it that no Christian survived to be benefited by a new 
regime. The Armenians behaved most prudently — knew so vaguely, in 
fact, how much or how little the reforms promised, that they manifested 
neither elation nor anger. 

"On Friday, Oct. 25th, the Moslems closed their shops and went to prayer 
in the mosques. Soon, at a given signal — the cry that the Armenians were 
attacking the mosques — the Turks rushed forth, closed the entrances to the 
bazars, and each man killed every Christian he could find. The Armenians 



474 



SLAUGHTER AT BITLIS. 



made no resistance ; they had no arms and were taken by surprise, for the 
governor had given assurance of safety but the day before, The barracks 
were close by, the troops should have been on the spot on the instant, but 
some time elapsed before they s4t out for the scene of slaughter, and when 
they arrived the soldiers dispersed into out-of-the-way places and themselves 
took part in the butchery. Repeated bugle calls had preceded the attack ; 
after three hours the bugles 'called off,' the slaughter ceased, and the work 
of plundering began ; and in this the troops took a very active part. Men, 
women and children joined in carrying off everything of the slightest value ; 
goods, materials, instruments used in the trades, and what was of no use to 
them was burned, till the markets were swept absolutely bare. 

"The number of slain accounted for was about 500, but the actual number 
must far exceed that. The Turks themselves buried fifty Armenians in order 
that it might be supposed that so many Moslems had perished. In reality, 
only one was known to have been killed. The governor soon after impris- 
oned forty leading Armenians, and with threats of still more fearful massacre 
tried to make them sign a paper which laid the blame of the affair on the 
Armenians. This they would not do, but so great was the pressure that not 
a few signed the following statement to be telegraphed to the Sublime Porte 
and patriarchate : ' Several ignorant and low fellows from our community, 
induced by evil designs, were the cause of this trouble, and got their pun- 
ishment in being killed. We that are left are loyal to the Sultan and grate- 
ful for his gracious government.' " 

On the northern edge of the great Mesopotamia plains, 
fully 1,000 feet above the plain, is the city of Mardin. It is 
the centre of the Jacobite community, who are found not 
merely on the plain, but in the rough and mountainous 
country through which the Tigris runs, and extending 
nearly to Bitlis. There are few Armenians, but the Kurds 
are very powerful and very hostile to all Christians, as 
has already been described in certain chapters of this book. 
It was inevitable that they should look with considerable 
jealousy upon their more favored comrades glutted with 
Armenian plunder. They could see no difference between 



EYE-WITNESS S STORY. 



475 



one Christian and another. All were alike infidels, all under 
the ban of the Prophet, all alike proper booty for them. 
They therefore gathered in numbers in the mountains, 
attacked whatever villages they could with reasonable safety 
and came up to the borders of Mardin. The following is 
from an eye-witness : 

" The beginning of trouble for us here at Mardin was determined by the 
outbreak which began in Diarbekir after the midday prayer on Friday, 
November ist. The riot continued for three days; Kurds from without rid- 
ing in, looting and firing shops and houses adjacent to the market. When 
the Kurds were expelled from the city and the gates closed against them, 
they turned their attention to the villages. These one after another were 
taken, plundered, and in many instances burned ; the massacres being 
generally in proportion to the degree of resistance made by the villages. A 
district about ninety miles long and fifty broad, east of Diarbekir and up to 
the borders of Sert, in the province of Bitlis, was swept by this hurricane of 
destruction wherever Christian villages nestled among the billows of this 
rolling country. We are not yet in position to estimate the number of 
killed and wounded in cities, towns and villages. 

"The first intimation that the wave of wanton wreckage was moving 
southward was given in the attack upon Tel Ermin, Wednesday, November 
6th. This papal Armenian town of 200 houses and 60 shops, five hours (20 
miles) west of Mardin, was taken on the following day, plundered and 
burned. The next day Goeli, a Syrian village south of Mardin, and only 
two hours (8 miles) off, shared the same fate. At about the same time three 
other villages fell into the hands of the Kurds, and only one, 20 minutes 
north of the city, remained intact. This they tried to capture, but were 
driven back. The Kurdish tribes on every side were determined to attack 
Mardin after finishing their destruction of the villages. Meanwhile the 
local government was actively preparing for defense and the leading men of 
the city, both Moslems and Christians, in a most fraternal spirit, joined 
their efforts to those of the government to prevent a repetition of what had 
occurred at Diarbekir. On Saturday and Sunday, November 9th and 10th, 
three serious attempts were made by the Kurds to enter the city, in the hope 
that they would be aided from within. In this they were disappointed, 



476 REFUGEES COLLECTED. 

especially when they were fiercely attacked by the very parties on whom 
they were relying to let them in. They were obliged to draw off with 
severe loss. The Kurds persistently asserted that a firman for the slaughter 
of the Christians had been given, but that the Christians of Mardin had 
bribed the government to conceal it and defend them. When the Kurds 
realized that the government and city were a unit for the common defense, 
they drew off and the tide of attack swept farther east, taking Nisibin and 
some twenty Christian villages in its way. Many of the latter were also 
burned. Midyat, like Mardin, resisted all attacks. 

" The result of all this is that already some 3,500 refugees are collected here 
with a prospect of more to follow. In the village of Kulleth, nine hours 
(36 miles) east, 300 refugees from the Diarbekir plain are begging food and 
clothing. The entire Christian population remaining in Sert have been 
stripped of everything. Large measures of relief will need to be instituted 
before winter is over, or thousands will die from exposure and hunger." 



Similar scenes occurred in other places. There was, in 
general, however, considerable effort on the part of the 
government to protect these Jacobite Christians. In the city 
of Mosul, the governor's orders were very positive that there 
be no trouble at all, and in numerous villages the soldiers not 
merely drove off the Kurds, but escorted the villagers to 
places of safety. 

A general survey of the massacres brings out certain very 
distinct facts, which should be kept in mind in considering 
their nature and their effect. 

1. With only five exceptions of consequence, the massacres 
were confined to the territory of the six provinces in Eastern 
Turkey where reforms were to be instituted. These places 
were Trebizond, Marash, Aintab, Urfa and Cesarea. Every 
other massacre of any prominence occurred within the very 
provinces for which the reforms were promised. In those 
four places the Moslems were excited by the nearness of the 



GENERAL SURVEY OF MASSACRE. 477 

scenes of massacre and by the reports of the plunder which 
the other Moslems were securing. 

2. The massacre in Trebizond occurred just before the 
Sultan, after months of every kind of opposition, was com- 
pelled to give his assent to the scheme of reforms, and from 
there the wave spread over the whole empire. 

3. The victims were almost exclusively Armenians. The 
large Greek population in Trebizond and also in the vicinity 
of Cesarea, suffered scarcely at all, and the Jacobite popula- 
tion in the region of Mardin not more than would necessarily 
be expected from the incursions of the Kurds. Special care 
was taken to avoid injury to the subjects of foreign nations, 
apparently with the idea of escaping foreign complications 
and the payment of indemnities. The damage done to 
American buildings in Harput and in Marash was apparently 
in direct disobedience to special orders sent, and in those 
places, as well as in Aintab, Urfa, Cesarea, Bitlis, Marsovan, 
and indeed in every place where there were foreigners, the 
strictest orders were given that no harm whatever should 
come to them. A notable instance of this was in the city of 
Urfa, where an American lady missionary was protected by 
troops from the fanatical Moslem populace even at consider- 
able risk to themselves. 

4. With slight exceptions, the method was to kill within a 

limited period the largest number possible of Armenian men, 

especially those of capacity, intelligence and wealth, and to 

ruin their families by looting their property. Thus, in the city 

of Ak-Hissar, not far from Nicomedia, the order was distinctly 

given, " Kill the men ; the women and children will then fall 

to us." In several places the most explicit promises had been 

given that there would be no danger to those who opened 
28 



478 THE PLUNDER COMPLETE. 

their shops, and yet in almost every place a sudden and 
simultaneous attack on the market-place was made just at 
noon when shop-keepers and clerks were in their shops and 
unable to flee. The perpetrators were also in almost every 
place the resident Moslem population, reinforced by Lazes, 
Kurds and Circassians. Exception must be made of certain 
cities, as Erzrum, Erzingan and Harput, and to a degree, 
Aintab, where the soldiers of the regular army took a part in 
the work, and in two instances commenced and closed the 
massacre itself at the signal of the bugle. In a few instances, 
as at Diarbekir, Arabkir, Malatia and Gurun, the Armenians 
undertook to defend themselves, and in those places the 
slaughter was terrible, reaching not less than 2,000, and in 
some cases 3,000. The plunder was complete. The shops 
were absolutely gutted, even the doors and windows of the 
houses were carried away, and in the market-places not a 
single article of merchandise could be found. In many places 
even the clothing worn by men, women and children was 
stripped from them and they were obliged to flee naked. 

5. The motive, so far as it has to deal with their religious 
fanaticism, is dwelt upon in a succeeding chapter. So far as 
the political element was concerned, it was evidently a firm re- 
solve to crush out the only element of the Christian popula- 
tion which appeared to have any chance of asserting itself 
against the Moslem Government. The Moslems everywhere 
1 felt that their supremacy was at stake, and that unless these 
'Armenians were thoroughly suppressed, they would, with the 
support of Europe, gain the upper hand. Only thus can be 
explained the apparent destruction of the best of the tax- 
paying element in the empire. The thought was to make 
sure of their political supremacy, and no other way of secur- 



PRESSURE FROM EUROPE. 479 

ing this could be conceived than by diminishing the number 
of the Armenians and utterly destroying the power of the 
survivors. 

6. The responsibility for this whole movement must rest 
with the Central Government at Constantinople. A brief sur- 
vey of the events in their chronological order will make this 
apparent. The trouble in the Sassun region commenced in 
1893 with contests between the Armenian villagers and the 
Kurds, in which the Kurds were worsted. They appealed to 
the Turkish Government, which supported them with regular 
troops. Officials went to the Armenians, charging them with 
revolution. This charge was denied ; absolute loyalty to the 
Sultan was avowed, and subsequent investigations of the com- 
mission proved that this avowal was genuine. The fact of 
the appearance of an occasional member of the revolutionary 
party by no means involved the endorsement of that party by 
the entire community. During 1894 the pressure from 
Europe became more and more strong, and through various 
sections of the country went the statement by officials and 
by priests that there was an organized effort to make the 
Armenians supreme and to destroy the Turkish power. The 
massacres at Sassun in the fall of 1894 were absolutely 
unprovoked, as has been shown above. The statements of 
the Turkish Government with regard to them were proven to 
be absolutely false. The men who were directly responsible 
for them were honored by the Sultan himself with decoration 
and promotion. Then followed the summer of 1895, during 
which repeated pressure from the European powers was 
brought to bear upon the Turkish Government for reform, 
and as persistently refused by that government. If it be 
granted that the disturbance in Constantinople was occasioned 



480 GOVERNMENT IMPLICATED. 

by unwise action of Armenian revolutionists, the not by the 
Softas, which was not checked by the Turkish Government, was 
allowed as an indication of what might happen. The massa- 
cre at Trebizond commenced in the courtyard of the govern- 
ment house, and the governor himself was in direct tele- 
graphic communication with Constantinople throughout the 
whole massacre. From Trebizond the wave spread southward 
and then in every direction over the empire. In every case 
promises made by officials of the Turkish Government were 
not only not kept, but were ostentatiously disregarded. In 
every case the police or soldiers of the regular army either 
looked on and did nothing to hinder the massacre and pillage, 
or took a direct share in it. The conduct of the Turkish 
Government throughout the whole and since, in absolutely de- 
nying statements that were perfectly well known to be true ; 
in making misrepresentation upon misrepresentation ; in 
throwing obstacle after obstacle in the way of those who 
would bring relief to the people, and in its methods of treat- 
ment with the foreign Powers, makes it very evident that 
it understood the situation, but did not wish it known. 

To suppose that all this could happen through a series 
of years and months without the immediate knowledge 
of the government, is to assume that the government is 
entirely ignorant of the most important details of its ad- 
ministration, and no one who has followed the course of 
Turkish history for the past three years will admit that 
this is possible. The officials in Constantinople knew 
just exactly what was going on over their empire and did 
absolutely nothing to hinder it. Whether direct orders were 
sent from Constantinople to the local officials instructing them 
as to the day and hour of commencing and closing the 



SULTAN RESPONSIBLE. 48 1 

massacres, it is probably impossible to say. There are many 
things that point in that direction, but it will require later and 
more full investigation to establish that fact. As to the 
personal responsibility of the Sultan, various positions have 
been taken. He has been described as so kindly and cor- 
dial, so sympathetic with his people, as to be utterly incapable 
of having anything to do with such wholesale destruction in 
his empire. The secrets of the Palace are not yet known. 
It is sufficient, however, to say that, with possibly the excep- 
tion of Mahmud II, no Sultan has ever lived who gave such 
minute attention to the administration of the internal affairs 
of his empire. To suppose that he was ignorant is to belie 
his whole past history ; to suppose that he knew, but could 
not prevent, is to credit him with a weakness that would be 
indignantly repudiated by every Turk in the empire. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Religious Persecution. 

Motive of the Massacres — Primarily Political, then Religious — The Religious Element 
Overpowering the Political — Dread of Christian Domination — False Statements by the 
Turkish Government — Instances of Persecution and Enforced Conversion to Islam — A 
Tremendous Moral Disaster — Efforts of the Government to Suppress Reports. 

THE previous chapters have been confined chiefly to the 
physical aspects of the massacres. There has been, 
however, another side that is even more appalling, and that 
is the moral and religious disaster. The question is often 
asked whether this is a religious persecution. The question 
is not an altogether easy one to answer. From one point of 
view it is purely religious, from another, purely political. 
The truth probably is, that in the East the two are so insep- 
arably associated that it is impossible to distinguish accurately 
between them. To the Moslem, every Christian is either a 
slave or an enemy, to be taxed for service or to be destroyed. 
So long as the Armenians made no effort for political power, 
they were slaves ; the moment they showed hostility to or 
impatience with Moslem rule, they became enemies. It made 
no difference whether that hostility was actual or not ; if it 
had any existence in the minds of the Turks the result was 

the same. It is unquestionable that there was a widespread 

(482) 



FORCED CONVERSION. 483 

belief among the Turks that Moslem rule was in danger, not 
merely from the revolt of the Armenians, but from the 
assistance assured, as they believed, to the Armenians by the 
European Powers. Hence, first of all, their hostility was 
directed against them, and so far it was distinctively political. 
They began to realize, however, that murder, pure and simple, 
was not going to accomplish their purpose. How was it to 
be done ? There was only one other method — forced conver- 
sion. What this means, no one who has not had some 
personal knowlege of Mohammedan lands can fully imagine. 
To the political hate and savage desire for plunder was 
added the ferocity of Moslem propaganda. Any one who 
has read in history the record of religious persecutions can 
form a faint conception of what that means, but to under- 
stand to the full is given to few people. At the risk of 
occasional repetition we give some instances of the manifes- 
tation of this destructive religious character of the massacres. 
It will be noticed that parallel with forced conversion has gone 
the outraging of women. So long as the chief idea seemed 
to be the suppression of a supposed political revolt, or the 
looting of property, this was not so noticeable. The moment, 
however, that religious fanaticism came to the front, the most 
brutal sensuality was made manifest. A significant com- 
ment on Mohammedanism. 

"At Chunkush, in the province of Diarbekir, there were 
6,000 Armenian Christians. On the 4th of November, the 
first attack was made and the town was partially pillaged. 
On the 8th, nth and 14th of November, these attacks on the 
Christian houses were repeated. The Protestant church, 
school and parsonage, and many other buildings were 
burned by the Turks. 880 Armenians were butchered, and 



4^4 STARVING THE CHRISTIANS. 

the remainder were forced to accept Mohammedanism at the 
point of the sword. 

"In Palu, in the same province, in the month of August, the 
governor called upon the Christian notables and told them 
that he had received orders to tell them that the Sultan had 
decided to introduce reforms, but that the reforms would be 
with the sword. This speech reported to the British Embassy 
at the time, led to the removal of the governor. On the 5th 
of November, this town was plundered by the Kurds and 
Turkish troops with but little shedding of blood. On the 
nth of November, the attacking force returned, and out of 
a total Christian population of 2,400 they slaughtered 1,580 
souls. The Protestant chapel was demolished, and the school 
and parsonage were taken as barracks for the troops. On 
the 10th of December, but 300 Christians were left in Palu, 
and they were at the point of perishing with hunger. The 
government issued bread to keep them alive, but the public 
ovens refused to sell to Christians. The policy seemed to be 
to keep the people at the point of deepest misery, in order 
to force them to become Mohammedans. The distribution 
of bread by the government consisted of the filling of several 
baskets with pieces of bread and emptying the baskets into 
the street for the people to scramble for the bread. A 
number of Christian families, driven by hunger, fled to the 
city of Harput, about thirty-five miles away, where there is a 
Governor-General. They hoped that this high Turkish of- 
ficial would at least give them protection and bread to eat, 
since it had been announced that the government intended 
to feed all the suffering ones. On arrival at Harput, how- 
ever, they were bitterly disappointed. They were simply 
put under arrest and sent back to starve at Palu. At 



MOHAMMED OR DEATH. 487 

Severek, in the province of Diarbekir, out of a Christian 
population of 2,900, nearly all of the males, in all 750 per- 
sons, were killed. This left the authorities free to regard all 
the women and children as Moslems, and they were dis- 
tributed among the Mohammedan populace to be taken into 
their houses. 

"At Urfa, after the massacre and pillage which took place 
on the 27th and 28th of October, the police went around 
from house to house in the Christian quarter announcing 
that the people must accept Mohammedanism. They car- 
ried axes to break open the doors. All who refused they 
killed on the spot. Those who accepted the offer were re- 
quired to put white turbans on their heads and to hang white 
flags on their houses. The number of white flags displayed 
seemed innumerable after three days of this sort of work. 
Shortly after this a storm arose which carried away many of 
the white flags. They were not renewed, since the people 
understood that the government would not recognize these 
forced conversions. But on the 28th and 29th of December, 
these people were attacked by the Turks and over 1,500 of 
them were killed as apostates from Islamism. At Albistan, 
in the same province, after the massacre began, the people 
were overpersuaded by the. assurance that all the Christians 
in the empire were being killed, and nearly the whole 
Christian population accepted Mohammedanism on this 
representation. 

"At Adiaman, in the province of Harput, on the other hand, 
the same story was used without effect, and out of the Chris- 
tian population of 800, only 20 were left alive. At Husenik, 
in the province of Harput, the Armenian priest was tortured 
to force him to become a Mohammedan. On his persistent 



488 HOURLY FEAR OF MASSACRE. 

refusal, and while he was still living, his body was obscenely 
mutilated, and at last the poor man found rest in death. The 
Protestant preacher in this village and a large number of the 
people accepted Mohammedanism in order to escape the fate 
inflicted upon this martyred priest. At Gamirgab, in the 
same province, after the Turks and Kurds had pillaged all 
the Christian houses, they burned 70 houses which could be 
fired without endangering the Turkish houses, and removed 
doors and windows from the remainder so as to render them 
uninhabitable. The head master of the government school in 
the place, one Ali Effendi, then called the Christians together, 
and told them he would order them massacred at once if they 
did not accept Mohammedanism. The people accepted the 
new religion, but appealed for relief to their bishop at Egin. 
On demand of the bishop, the governor ordered that these 
new converts should be released from their promise of con- 
version, and now the people live in hourly fear of massacre 
as apostates from the Mohammedan faith. 

"At Arabkir, in the province of Harput, on the 6th of No- 
vember, Turkish civilians aided by soldiers suddenly made an 
attack upon the Armenian shops in the market. Arabkir 
had an Armenian population of about 18,000, and a Turkish 
population of about 30,000. When the Turks began to 
attack the Armenian houses, the Armenians resisted. Then 
the authorities called in Kurds from the surrounding region 
and made a systematic destruction of the Christian quarters 
of the city. The horrible work lasted six days, and at the 
end of that time 4,000 Christians had been killed, and 2,750 
Christian houses had been burned. Many of the survivors 
accepted Islamism in order to escape. All alike, however, 
were stripped of everything they had in the world, and in 



a survivor's narrative. 489 

some cases even of their clothing. The narrative of one of 
the survivors, an entirely trustworthy woman, gives a vivid 
impression of the horror of the experience : " On the 5th of 
November, our Turkish neighbors, with whom we have always 
been on good terms, came to tell us that orders had come to 
kill the Christians, but that seeing our house was next to 
theirs they would like to help us, and that if we would pay 
them for it they would defend us. After some bargaining it 
was agreed that we should pay them $25.00 for the service. 
This was not easy to find, but we gathered all the money that 
we had and what jewels we possessed, and so satisfied them. 
On Tuesday the massacre began by an attack upon the market 
and then upon the houses. The roar of the firing and the 
shrieks of the women were awful, but our friends defended us. 
That night there was no sleep for us, for the attacks on the 
houses and the firing kept up all night. The next morning 
our Turkish friends said to us : ' We have fulfilled our 
promise, but the massacre is still going on, and we can defend 
you no longer unless you become Moslems. Otherwise you 
will all be killed.' The firing was going on all the time and 
houses were being set on fire, and the smoke made it seem as 
if the end of the world had come. I fell on my knees before 
my father, who was the only man in our household of nine 
people, and begged him not to swerve from his faith in Jesus 
Christ. He rebuked me for thinking such a thing of him. 
We all prayed for help and waited to see what would come. 
That day my father was killed, but they did not kill us because 
we were only women. But they made us go for three days 
into a house with a great many other women, while they 
robbed our house of everything. They did not burn the 
house because their own house would have burned also. 



490 ARMENIAN PRIESTS KILLED. 

After they had taken everything from our house, they let us 
go back into it, and thought themselves very kind for doing 
so. Crowds of our friends who were left without shelter 
came to the house, and we have about 50 people in every 
room, all without bedding and all without food. What is to 
become of us? " 

"At Tadem, in the same province, out of 1,800 Armenians 
270 were killed. The survivors escaped only by accepting 
Mohammedanism. Two Armenian priests were killed, one 
after shameful mutilation. Of the outrages on women there 
is no use in trying to keep account. They are universal and 
hardly attract attention. At Tadem, a Turkish notable was 
selling Christian women to Turks and Kurds in exchange for 
horses and donkeys, as long as a month after the massacre. 
He also kept a certain number of Christian women whom he 
presented for the night to any police or soldiers who passed 
through the village on their rounds. The same atrocious 
practice is reported from other places also. 

"In the provinces of Harput and Diarbekir alone, over 8,000 
Armenian houses have been burned, and more than 15,000 
Christians are known to have been killed, while every day adds 
to the list. Fifty or more Armenian ecclesiastics are known to 
have been killed for refusing to accept Mohammedanism, and 
the list of martyrs among the Protestant pastors has risen to 
twenty. Some of these are among the best and most influen- 
{jtial men in the Protestant community. In connection with 
this subject one incident may be mentioned. At Cesarea, in 
the province of Angora, on the 30th of November, 600 
Christians were murdered by the Turks of the city. In one 
of the Protestant houses of the city a father and his little 
daughter, twelve years of age, were alone, the mother having 



A LITTLE GIRL BUTCHERED. 49 1 

gone to visit a married daughter before the massacre began. 
A fierce-looking Turk suddenly burst into the room where 
the little girl was sitting. He spoke to the child in as kind 
a voice as he could command. "My child," said he, "your 
father is dead because he would not accept the religion of 
Islam. Now I shall have to make you a Mohammedan, and 
if you will agree to it I will take you to my house and you 
will have everything that you want, just as if you were my 
daughter. Will you become a Mohammedan ? " The little 
girl replied : " I believe in Jesus Christ. He is my Saviour. 
I love him. I cannot do as you wish, even if you kill me." 
Then the ruffian fell upon the poor child with his sword and 
slashed and stabbed her in twelve different places. What 
followed no one knows. The house was pillaged and burned 
and the body of the father was burned in it. But that even- 
ing a cart was brought by a Turkish neighbor to the house 
in another part of the city where the mother of the little girl 
was staying. The Turk said to her, " I have brought you 
the body of your little girl. You are my friend and I could 
not leave it. I am very sorry for what has happened." The 
mother took the body of the little girl into the house, 
and found that there was still life in it. A surgeon was 
summoned. He restored the child to her senses, and she is 
now in a fair way to recovery. 

"Another indirect method of destroying the Christian com- 
munities in these provinces must be referred to. As if for the 
purpose of destroying self-respect and the grounds of 
religious hope, a systematic course of debauching Christian 
women has been kept up in some of these provinces. At 
Tamzara, in the district of Sharka Kara Hissar, in the 
province of Sivasall, the men were killed in the massacres 



492 VIOLATING ARMENIAN WOMEN. 

early in November. From a well-to-do Armenian population 
of 1,500, all that remain are about 300 starving and half-naked 
women and children. Trustworthy information from this 
place, dated the twenty-fourth of January, says that the most 
horrible feature of the situation of these women is, that passing 
Mohammedan soldiery or civilian travelers attack them and 
outrage them in their houses without hesitation and without 
restraint. This license has been observed toward these 
wretched women during all of the three months since the 
massacres. 

"Information from Mezreh, the seat of government in the 
Province of Harput, dated the twenty-seventh of January, 
says that the same license to abuse Christian women exists in 
that province also. Within sight and hearing of the Gover- 
nor-General's palace, Mohammedan young men have broken 
into Christian houses by night and worked their infernal pleas- 
ure upon the women of the houses. It is not once or twice 
that this thing has happened, but it is week after week, until 
the women are reduced to the condition of public prostitutes 
without will of their own." 

In view of such facts, it is scarcely surprising that a mis- 
sionary wrote as follows : 

" The world will have heard of the physical side of the dis- 
asters which have come upon this country. The moral aspect 
is still more deplorable. When the Saracens conquered these 
lands, they offered the people the alternatives of the Koran, 
tribute or the sword. These Moslems first strip the people 
of everything, commit other nameless outrages, and then the 
only alternative presented is Islam or death ; and this in the 
nineteenth century. Hundreds of people have accepted 
martyrdom rather than deny their faith. Many more, some 



CHURCHES BECOME MOSQUES. 493 

from fear of death, and others to save their families from 
a fate worse than death, have formally accepted Mohamme- 
danism. In most of the villages and towns in this region, the 
majority of the survivors who were not able to flee, are now 
professed Moslems. Throughout all this wide Harput mis- 
sion field, there is probably scarcely a Christian service held 
among Gregorians or Protestants outside of this quarter of 
the city. Although the church here was burned, our Sunday 
services have been maintained in the college. Churches have 
become mosques, and the trembling Christians are taught to 
pray after the Mohammedan form. Schools, of course, are 
disbanded, although we are gathering together the boys of 
our male department at the college ; and we hope to do the 
same for girls if we can secure rooms outside, as the girls' 
college is a complete ruin. 

"Every day, from morning till night, our hearts are torn by 
the recital of the most horrible tales of bloodshed and 
outrage and heartless persecution. Some of our best and 
worthiest men tell of the agony which they suffer from the 
position which they hold as Mohammedans in form, while their 
whole being revolts against it. They say : ' We would wel- 
come martyrdom with cruel torture, if only our wives and 
children could be saved from the clutches of these men by 
death or by some sort of freedom. We have gladly sur- 
rendered our homes to the flames and our property to plun- 
der; but we cannot sacrifice our families.' Here is a very 
serious problem. Of course we cannot justify this position ; and 
yet, when we see the fate of many of these helpless families, 
bereft of their protectors, it is not in our hearts to reproach 
those who have saved their lives by this hypocrisy. Either 
alternative is dreadful ; and to stand in the presence of such 



494 



TRAVELING UNSAFE. 



calamities so utterly helpless, except to cry to God in the 
agony of our hearts, is a trial which we never expected to ex- 
perience. 

" Of course, we cannot tell what the outcome will be. We 
believe that God has a people here, and that in some way, out 
of all this ruin, he will rebuild his Church ; but at present the 
outlook is dark in the extreme. Many of the churches, 
parsonages and schools have been destroyed, how many we 
do not know, for the country is in such a state that traveling 
is very unsafe and reports come in slowly. We know 
that seven of our pastors and six preachers have been killed, 
and we may hear of still others. Few of the preachers 
remain at their posts. Not only would they be put under a 
pressure to accept Islam, but they are hated because they are 
understood to be promoters of freedom of thought. Then, 
too, where their congregations are recognized as Mo- 
hammedans, their presence among them would not be 
tolerated." 

As these facts have been spread abroad, a storm of indigna- 
tion has arisen over the entire Christian world, such that even 
the Turks dared not disregard it, and accordingly, " early in 
January the local officials of the provinces of Harput and Diar- 
bekir sent orders to the recently ' converted ' villages, on no 
account to admit, in case they are asked, that they were forced 
to become Mohammedans. The people were informed that 
death would be the penalty for any complaint respecting the 
compulsion used to force them to accept Mohammedanism. 
There are 15,000 of these forced converts in the province of 
Harput alone, and about 40,000 of them in the whole region 
devastated by the massacres. If the European Powers would 
send a commission through the provinces to learn the real 



CHRISTIAN WORSHIP PROHIBITED. 495 

facts, they could easily verify these statements, and if they 
could let the people know that they would not be betrayed to 
the Turks, they would find that these people are pleading for 
relief from the servitude to a hated religion into which they 
have been forced. If the Powers could demand of the Otto- 
man Government the issue of a proclamation condemning 
these military conversions, and giving the victims of them 
liberty to return to their own faith without incurring the 
death penalty which has now been pronounced against them, 
the mass of the people would gladly return to the Armenian 
Church. 

" Information from several points in the provinces of Sivas, 
Harput, Diarbekir, Bitlis and Van, shows that the process of 
forcing Christians to become Mohammedans is still actively 
used. Week by week the Christian population is warned 
that all who have not accepted Mohammedanism are to be 
massacred. Every Friday is a day of terror for the Christians 
in all of these provinces. Constant pressure is exerted to in- 
duce people in despair to deny their faith. In the country 
districts neither priest nor pastor dare venture out of their 
hiding, for they would be instantly killed as men who would 
interfere with the conversion of the people. In the villages, 
Christian worship is generally prohibited throughout the six 
provinces of the reform scheme. In twenty-eight villages in 
the district of Harput, there had been, at last accounts (January 
30, 1896), no Christian worship since the first of November. 
This abolition of Christian worship among a Christian people 
is simply a part of the purpose to abolish Christianity." 

We close this chapter with a few illustrations drawn from 

places well known, and in regard to which there can be no 

possible question : 
29 



496 FIREBRAND, KEROSENE AND BULLETS. 

"Saturday evening, November 2d, the inhabitants of Kut- 
turbul, just across the Tigris, east of Diarbekir, took refuge 
from the Kurds in the large stone church of the Jacobite 
Syrians, to which they had already moved their household 
goods. Fugitives from three other villages, which had been 
attacked the day before, had also taken refuge here, so the 
church was packed with goods and people. That night the 
Kurds, with some men from Diarbekir, surrounded the church 
and began to shoot into the high, narrow windows by which it 
is lighted. Aboshe Jacob, pastor of the Protestant church of 
the village, was the first one struck, but his wound was not 
serious, and he kept on his feet, giving such comfort as he 
could to his distressed companions. Seeing little effect from 
their efforts to dislodge the people and get at the booty, about 
midnight the Kurds tore up part of the vaulted roof, and first 
throwing in firebrands through the opening, then poured 
kerosene down upon the blaze, at the same time firing their 
guns into the defenseless crowd of men, women and children. 
A frantic rush was made for the door ; but it was locked, and 
could be opened only with the key from the outside. As is 
the case with most of the old churches, in order to prevent 
their desecration by being used as stables for horses, the door 
was very small, only some four and a half feet high by two 
and a half feet wide. After much effort it was finally broken 
open, and the smoke-stifled, flame-scorched, terror-stricken 
crowd poured out from the narrow egress, only to meet a 
deadly shower of bullets from the surrounding Kurds. 

"Among the crowd was Pastor Jurjis Khudhershaw Ante- 
shalian, a graduate from our Theological Seminary in 1868; 
for some years pastor of the church in Mosul, later engaged 
in evangelical work in Egypt, whence he had but recently 



ATTACK ON KARABASH. 



497 



come to visit relatives. As he came out he was at once recog- 
nized by his beard and intelligent face as one of the clergy, 
and was seized, thrown down and clubbed. One of the books 
which had been scattered about by the marauders was thrust 
into his mouth, and he was mockingly called upon to read the 
church service. Firebrands were then thrown upon him, and 
as, restored to partial consciousness by the pain, he began to 
crawl away, he was clubbed again, drawn back and burned to 
ashes. 

" The next to suffer was Pastor Hanoosh Melki, of Kara- 
bash, three hours east of Kutturbul ; a classmate of Pastor 
Jurjis, an earnest worker, and especially efficient as an evan- 
gelist. He was ordained and installed pastor of the Karabash 
church at the time of its organization, but had resigned, and 
was expecting a call to the church in Sert, which was then on 
the way to him. Kurds attacked the village Saturday after- 
noon, November 2d, but were repulsed ; and that night most 
of the unarmed villagers took refuge in the large buildings 
erected around the outskirts of the village for dovecots. Hav- 
ing received large reinforcements during the night, the Kurds 
renewed the attack at daybreak Sunday, in spite of a cold, 
driving rain which had set in, and, getting possession of the 
village toward noon, began their horrible work of pillage, 
burning and slaughter. As soon as Pastor Hanoosh, in the 
dovecot where his family and many others had taken refuge, 
knew that the village had been taken, he tried to open the 
small door opposite one at which the Kurds were already try- 
ing to force an entrance. Before he could get it open they 
broke in, and he was the first to meet them. Judging from 
his beard that he was the priest of the village, they supposed 
he, of course, would have a large sum of money with him, 



498 PROMINENT PREACHERS KILLED. 

He only had some bread, and taking a loaf from his bosom 
he gave it to one of them. They were enraged at this, yet 
would have spared him had he but raised one finger in token 
of acceptance of Islam. Refusing to do this, he was struck 
down by a sword and killed before the eyes of his wife and 
children. His body was then stripped and his family plun- 
dered. 

" The third to fall was Hanna Sehda, son of one of the first 
pastors, a member of our last theological class, and a preacher 
of much promise. After graduating in 1890, he ministered 
for a time to the Sert Church, of which his father had formerly 
been for a long time pastor. He refused its urgent and oft- 
repeated call to become its pastor, and had been for only a 
few months with the Karabash church, which liked him much 
and had just built a parsonage for him. That Sabbath morn- 
ing he led his wife, a graduate of our Girls' High School, and 
their three little children out of the dovecot, where, with many 
others, they had taken refuge the night before, and fled to a 
village half an hour away, which had already been plundered, 
and where they thought, for a time at least, they might be 
safe. Benumbed with the cold and rain, they were glad to 
find in one of the vacant houses a supply of fuel — cowdung 
mixed with straw, and made up into large cakes — and soon 
had a comfortable fire. Here they were joined by Pastor 
Hanoosh's widow and children and others. Toward sunset a 
roving band of Kurds came upon them as they were grouped 
around the fire, and stripped them of most of what was still 
left them. Later, another band came, and, enraged at finding 
nothing left for them to plunder, turned upon the men. These, 
seeing that the Kurds meant to kill them, rushed out, and 
made their escape in the darkness, though fired upon. Hanna 



DEATHS FROM EXPOSURE. 499 

had taken his two little boys out with him, but finding he 
could not get away with them, he let go their hands and made 
off. Already faint with hunger and stiff with cold, he could 
make but slow progress. So he was soon overtaken by the 
Kurds, to whom he refused to yield by accepting Islam to save 
his life. The last seen of him by one of his church-members 
as he looked back in his flight, he was extending his arms to 
ward off the sword-blow which hewed him down, after which 
a gun was discharged into his body. A few days after, one 
of his congregation, compelled by Moslems to go to the vil- 
lage where he was killed, saw that his body had been burned. 
His baby girl and youngest boy died that night from exposure, 
while the elder boy and his fair-looking mother were led away 
into captivity, from which, however, they were recovered later 
and are now at her father's house. 

"The fourth victim was Pastor Aboshe, of Kutturbul, already 
mentioned as the first one wounded in the church Saturday 
night before the roof was broken in. He escaped through 
the broken door, and though thrust with daggers as he passed 
out, made off in the darkness and climbed a tree in which 
he stayed till near morning. Then he got down stealthily, 
and made his way to a house in which cut straw was stored, 
where he stayed hidden until Monday noon, when he felt 
sufficiently revived to go out in search of his scattered family. 
•He found them in a deserted bath not far from their own 
house, his wife uninjured, one child killed, a married daughter 
lying in a corner fatally wounded, in attempting to protect 
her husband who was killed, the eldest son severely wounded, 
while a younger daughter had been carried away captive. 
They passed Monday night caring tenderly for the wounded 
daughter, mourning over the captivity of the younger one, 



500 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. 

and praying for deliverance from further woes. Tuesday a 
roving band of Kurds went through the village to see if any- 
thing were still left to plunder, and, finally coming to the yard 
of the bath-house, began to abuse some of the pastor's con- 
gregation who had gathered there, as it was a more protected 
place than most. The pastor, overhearing them, went out to 
try to persuade them to cease from further barbarities toward 
those who had already suffered so much. Perceiving that he 
was a ' spiritual head,' as the clergy are called, the Kurds at 
once called on him to renounce his faith and embrace Islam. 
He fixed a steady gaze on them, but said nothing. 'Ha!' 
said one, 'see how the kafir (infidel) still holds stoutly to his 
faith.' Another said to him: 'Just raise one finger (this is 
accepted by them as a confession of one God ; Mohammed 
His prophet), and you will not be harmed.' Instantly he 
calmly replied: 'I shall never raise my finger.' Immediately 
a Kurd near him made a thrust at him with a straight dagger, 
while another a little farther away put a bullet through him, 
right in the presence of several of his flock. His firm faith 
and bold confession of it in the presence of death was the 
weightiest sermon they had ever heard from his lips. He 
was the most scholarly and refined among all our native 
helpers. He came of an educated, priestly family, and his 
grandfather was the author of a grammatical WO rk in ancient 
Syriac. Mr. Andrus' first sermon in Kutturbul years ago 
from the text, ' Son, go work to-day in my vineyard,' was the 
means of his conversion and of bringing him later into the 
ministry. Soon after graduating from the theological semi- 
nary he became pastor of the church in his native village, 
Kutturbul, and during his pastorate had erected a beautiful 
little chapel, the finest in our field ; now, alas! used as a sheep- 



GOD STILL REIGNS. 50I 

fold, while the adjoining school building has been burned. 
Out of his congregation of 161 souls, 98 went with him into 
eternity, and of the 63 remaining, 18 of them are wounded; 
most are scattered abroad — some of them we know not where. 
Half of our pastors have fallen, 'not accepting deliverance;' 
half our churches are scattered; one-third of our stations are 
destroyed. But God still reigns (Ps. 2). He is faithful and 
true, and His promises sure. Pray with us that the desolate 
places may speedily be rebuilt; that His Church, purified and 
quickened by this tempest of persecution, may apply itself 
with fresh faith and zeal to His work; and that He will shortly 
accomplish His purpose of grace for this Jand." 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Relief Work. 

The General Situation — Absolute Destitution — Appeals to America and England — Work in 
the Sassun Region — Van and Dr. Kimball — Appeals following the Greater Massacres — 
Clara Barton and the Red Cross — Opposition of the Turks — Letter from Van — After the 
Massacre in Harput — Suffering in the Villages — Appeal for Help. 

NO one can fully understand what these massacres have 
meant to the Armenian people who does not under- 
stand their manner of life ; and no one can understand that 
manner of life by mere description. It must be seen and 
experienced. A few general remarks, however, will assist. 
In the first place it must be remembered that there is abso- 
lutely no system anywhere in Turkey of banking by which sav- 
ings can be put aside. Whatever of money is accumulated 
is immediately invested in land or business, is loaned out 
or is hoarded. As a matter of fact there is comparatively 
little of either done by the great mass of the peasantry. The 
tax-gatherers understand perfectly how much each man's 
property is worth, how much the harvest will bring, how 
much clothing and house furniture he has, and for centuries 
have made it their particular business to see that it will not 
so develop as to give him exceptional power. The fact that 
the general communities have been as prosperous as they 

have been is, in view of all the circumstances, a marvelous 

(502) 



GOODS CONFISCATED. 



5°3 



tribute to their industry and thrift. For the most part, how- 
ever, all have lived a hand to mouth existence, managing 
through the summer and autumn to secure enough provision 
to keep body and soul together through the winter, and start- 
ing in on the spring with almost no supplies. Their clothing 
is of the very simplest ; heavy, coarse cloth and cloaks of 
sheep's wool. The house-furniture is almost nothing; a few 
quilts, an occasional mattress, a small table or two, a few pots 
and kettles, sum up the entire property of the great mass of 
the peasantry in the villages. In the towns and cities pro- 
portionately it is scarcely better. True, the Armenians have 
had the trade of the entire empire practically in their hands, 
yet it was rare that they could secure more than a bare liv- 
ing. The collection of debts was almost impossible, 
especially from Moslems. They were subject to all manner 
of injustice. On the slightest pretext the municipal authori- 
ties would enter in and confiscate anything they chose. In 
the towns there was possible a certain amount of investment 
in the way of loans, but most usurious rates of interest were 
charged, all the way from twelve per cent, per annum to five 
per cent, per month. The risk, however, was proportionate 
and many a man was happy if he secured enough of his 
principal, and enough of his interest together to give him a 
very slight income. The house-furnishing was more elab- 
orate than in the villages, but by no means such as would 
be considered even comfortable in this country. A few 
merchants lived well, but the great mass of artisans and 
tradesmen were poor with a poverty that is scarcely known 
even in the slums of our great cities. Under such circum- 
stances, to destroy the homes and furniture, the shops and 
their merchandise, was in itself a most terrible loss. It left 



504 



SITUATION APPALLING. 



the people without capital or trade, without the means of 
everyday life. When to this was added the wholesale mas- 
sacre of men — the bread-winners, the employers, the laborers 
— the situation was something terrible. Families without num- 
ber were left absolutely destitute, with no food to eat, with 
scarcely any clothing, and in some cases with no clothing, 
with no homes to lives in, and with absolutely no hope of any 
support except as it should come from sympathizing friends. 
Add to this the general demoralization referred to in the pre- 
ceding chapter ; the utter despair as the result of the bitter 
cruelties of the Turks and Kurds ; the terrible outraging of 
women, destroying the very essence of true womanhood, 
leaving perfectly blank horror to take the place of home life — 
and the situation is something which in this country cannot 
by the most vivid picture be absolutely understood. 

It has always been to the honor of America and England 
that they have been in the forefront to relieve destitution, and 
no sooner did the cry of these sorrowing and destitute ones 
come up from every portion of the Turkish Empire than it 
met with a hearty response in both countries. After the 
Sassun massacre and through the summer of 1895 repeated 
efforts were made to bring relief to that comparatively small 
section. Many were provided with food, and a commission 
of relief was sent by the English to assist in the distribution 
and help on the general work. A Turkish commission was 
also appointed, with what result will be seen below. It 
would appear as if this was something that would appeal to 
all ; and yet the distributers, some of them American mis- 
sionaries, some of them English consular officials, found 
themselves constantly hampered by the opposition of the 
Turkish officials and, most of all, the Turkish Relief Commis- 



HYPOCRITICAL GOVERNORS. 505 

sion. Objection was made to the distribution of relief, and 
when relief was given, the tax-gatherer came around to see 
that the proceeds of relief came back, first in their own 
pockets and then in driblets into the imperial treasury. A 
few paragraphs from letters written in that summer by an 
American will give an idea of the situation : 

" Dr. R. joined me at Bitlis and we talked with the 
Governor, who, of course, was very smooth, though I felt he 
had other things in mind. The promised letter was not quite 
as I expected, though the Mush Mutessarif seemed to meet 
us and Mr. S. (an Englishman), pretty cordially, and 
supplied us with a guard. Promised tents for the sick were 
not forthcoming, while people from Dalvorsig were in trepida- 
tion from fear of the Kurds and were being pressed to sign 
petitions of thanks to the Sultan, or, as a condition of relief 
at the hands of the local Mutessarif, who ended his words 
by saying that if they did not sign such a paper, he would 
set the ruffians upon them to extermination. So, with Mr. 
S., I went down to see the Mush Governor, having in 
mind also to hasten on the supplies for the sick. 

" But, as might be expected, jealousy of the government, 
local and general — at Mush and Constantinople — leads to 
throwing about us all possible hindrances. The guard sup- 
plied, two men, speak Armenian. One of them is chief 
secretary of the Mush police, and boasts that he is sent with 
us to spy out and report all our doings. Of course, we are 
doing nothing we are ashamed to have him know, only we 
had put in our protest against two men nominally being sup- 
plied when but one, came and he with no gun and deputized 
from his government to serve as a spy for its purpose, while 
our men have to feed and serve him. 



506 TURKISH RELIEF (?) COMMISSION. 

"We reached here the 12th inst., and soon put ourselves 
in communication with the Turkish Relief Commission, com- 
posed of five members, two of them Christians — calling on 
them the day we came. They returned our call the next 
morning and seemed provoked to good works, as we hoped, 
claiming to be on the way to hunt out lumber for the build- 
ings, in forests controlled by Kurds. The next day they as- 
signed all of 44 ' godes ' of millet to this village of more 
than 70 houses, making a gode to about 28 persons. When 
I was at Mush on the 23d ult., though I did not succeed in 
getting into the province, I pushed on a scheme of relief 
through other hands and inaugurated the sowing of some 65 
kilehs (the kileh is 20 to 25 bushels) of millet, the near vil- 
lages loaning two hundred oxen to help on the enterprise. 
The time set for the oxen was ten days, but the owners have 
been patient now for 30 days. The day after our arrival we 
got a few men at work in a small way on the old desolate 
walls, though there is but one person left alive in this village, 
and in Sennik, near by, not one. The commission has been 
sitting here these three months and, so far as appears, has 
done nothing, save to give out less than /400 of the reported 
^2,000 ($8,800) in its hands and distribute 185 godes of mil- 
let; not a sound of hammer has been heard towards rebuild- 
ing the devastated houses. The members of the commis- 
sion draw 40 piasters, $1.60, a day (in a country where 25 
cents a day is high wages). We have come to give free ser- 
vice for humanity, and they now act the part of the dog in 
the manger. On Monday I was at Mush and with Mr. S. 
called on the Governor, arranging matters satisfactorily so 
far as words go, but, alas for empty words and lack of 
good deeds in this justice-lacking land ! 



INTERFERENCE. 507 

" They make their declaration that nothing is to go direct 
through our hands, though we may oversee — they are the 
accredited Commission to do the work, and why should we 
take the trouble ? To this we replied that we had come for 
work, not ease, and we alone must be responsible for the 
funds in our hands, just as they are for the funds in their 
hands, though we will cheerfully consult with them as friends 
and are willing to show them account of every expenditure, 
and they may do the same toward us. But they were implac- 
able, boasting of written orders as to how work for all must 
go on through their hands. At first they suggested, and we 
accepted the apportionment of their choice, that they get up 
the lumber while we work at building, as well as feeding 
the multitude. This time Dr. R. takes his turn at the 
wheel, and has gone down to see the Mutessarif in company 
with the Consul (English), most likely to see what the fates 
are to evolve. There is hope the new Consul may arrive to- 
day, and Mr. S. had news by telegraph he could leave. 
This seems to indicate a bit of progress in the reform line, 
though the flying in the face of our efforts for humanity by the 
local government, backed, of course, from Constantinople, 
looks in the opposite direction." 

More encouraging was the report given by the Van Arme- 
nian Industrial Relief Bureau of its work during that same sum- 
mer, under circumstances where the Turkish Government were 
unable to hinder as much as in the more isolated villages of 
the Sassun region. We give a few extracts, not merely to' 
show what the work was and how it was done, but to give an 
idea of the need : 

" This province would be — if common safety prevailed — a 
great wool-producing country; while abundant cotton is 



508 PEOPLE GIVEN WORK. 

brought from our near neighbor, Persia. This suggested a 
simple solution of the work problem. In response to appeals 
made in anticipation of certain future demands, some small 
sums of money had, as early as June, come to us for our dis- 
tressed people. And on the strength of this money, and the 
increasingly urgent demands for help, a tentative and very 
simple beginning was made. A bag of wool was bought, 
weighed out into pound portions, and whenever a woman 
came begging for help or work, her case was investigated, 
her name registered, and she was given wool to card and spin. 
On return of the thread, it was weighed and examined as to 
quality : the woman was paid at a rate that it was estimated 
would supply her with bread, and she was given another lot 
of wool. The giving of two or three lots in this way was 
enough to bring down on us a crowd, and speedily we found 
a large business flooding in upon us — one demanding good 
organization and a corps of distributers. Cotton was added 
to our supplies, and all the processes and tricks of the two 
trades were quickly investigated, and every attempt was made 
to put the enterprise on a sound business basis. Infinite 
watchfulness was necessary in guarding against impostors, 
and in preventing petty thieving and unfaithfulness on the 
part of those who took work. The medical work had given 
us acquaintance with the people, and from our ex-patients we 
were able to select at once those whom our hearts had ached 
to help to gain a living — those whom sickness had forced to 
sell everything— and a good corps of helpers was soon organ- 
ized. Men to keep the door — and it often took three men to 
do this against the clamoring crowd ; men to receive and weigh 
the wool, cotton, and thread ; men for the various demands 
of the Central Bureau. For the first two months the work 



DISTRIBUTION OF PRODUCTS. 509 

was accommodated in our house, in the rooms used as a dis- 
pensary, and we were in a state of siege from morning to 
night. The long lower hall was devoted to a row of cotton- 
carders, the twang of whose primitive cards, and the dust of 
whose work, filled the house from early morning till dark, 
while a crowd of wretched men and women were never absent. 

"The accumulation of thread brought the necessity for 
weavers and all the processes of weaving had to be studied 
with their peculiar tricks and merits. The demand was met 
at once by weavers who were out of work and in dire poverty. 
The thread was given them by weight, and the woven goods 
received by weight ; and they, in turn, were paid with due regard 
to the needs of their families. Then to the children and 
some who were too weak and sick to do the heavier work, 
yarn was given to be knitted into socks. 

" Shortly, we found ourselves in possession of a good stock 
of cotton cloth, woolen goods for the loose trousers worn here, 
and huge piles of coarse socks. And the question what to do 
with them came to the front. The suo-o-estion was made that 
this work might help and be helped by the Sassun relief work, 
by our supplying materials for distribution there. The prop- 
osition was submitted to Messrs. Raynolds and Cole and 
gladly accepted by them, and this arrangement has been the 
means whereby our Bureau could double its efficiency, thanks 
to having an assured market for all its produce, without affect- 
ing the said industries here, which, on the contrary, it should 
I help. 

' " Our goods are done up in bales here, loaded on donkeys 
or ox-carts and carried down to the lake harbor. There they 
are received by the miserable little sail-boats that ply the lake 
and taken — with prayers for insurance— to the opposite side 



5IO APPEALS TO THE CHRISTIAN WORLD. 

of Van Lake, a distance of some sixty miles. Thence they 
are transported by horses or carts to Mush, the headquar- 
ters of the Sassun Commission. The journey takes from 
ten days to two or three weeks, according to the weather and 
other exigencies of travel in this land. The entire distance 
is only about one hundred and twenty miles. 

" In this way we have already sent some 2,000 pairs of socks, 
and 1,400 webs of cloth, to the value of £ T. 216 ($950). A 
good market can be had here in Van for all our products, and, 
indeed, we have sold enough here to bring our total sales up 
to £ T. 258 ($1,156). But selling here has the disadvantage 
of bringing down the price of goods and injuring the poor 
producers, while, on the contrary, our trade with Sassun has 
had the incidental advantage of advancing the price and thus 
helping the community by so much." 

The total number of workers is as follows: 

Spinners of Cotton and Wool 373 

Weavers of Cotton Goods 49 

Weavers of Woolen Goods 22 

Weavers of Carpets „ 5 

Carders .... 9 

Spindle Rillers 9 

Sizers 4 

Weighers, Door-tenders, etc 5 

Total 476 

With the greater massacres that followed the disturbance 
in Constantinople and Trebizond, there broke upon the Chris- 
tian world a revelation of horror and of terror that was even 
greater than any previous. From every side came the most 
piteous appeals to the Christian world. Language itself 
seemed to fail in telling of the situation, and many a sturdy 



DISTRIBUTION OF FUNDS. 511 

man and high-hearted woman felt absolutely helpless as they 
looked out over the plains, into the villages and along the 
streets of the most prosperous cities, and saw starvation and 
death staring hundreds of thousands of men, women, and 
children in the face. Some conception can be gathered from 
the paragraphs in the preceding chapters. Those need not 
be repeated here. It is sufficient here to say that everywhere 
throughout England and America there was a prompt and 
cordial response. We have to do especially with the work in 
this country. Committees were formed in a great many cities 
and Armenian relief associations of one kind and another 
were organized. Armenian Sundays were observed by many 
churches ; collections were taken in churches, Sunday-schools, 
colleges, societies and mass-meetings ; journals opened their 
columns for relief subscriptions ; individuals collected funds 
privately; Armenians throughout the country contributed 
from their slender resources ; and the money was forwarded 
promptly to the field. 

The question immediately arose as to how this money 
should be distributed. The first thought of everyone was the 
American missionaries. They were known to be disinter- 
ested, to be wise, to be impartial and thoroughly in sympathy 
with the need. But they were in a very difficult position. 
They were looked upon with suspicion by the Turkish 
Government, and to a large degree by the Turks themselves, 
many of whom felt that their influence was political and that 
their work was directed to the ultimate subverting of the 
whole Ottoman Empire. At the same time there was no one 
else. The absolute lack of banking facilities throughout the 
empire made them practically the only persons through whom 
relief could come. A single illustration of the situation is fur- 
30 



512 RED CROSS SOCIETY. 

nished by the statement that the Armenian Patriarch in Con- 
stantinople when he wished to send money to his own people 
in Eastern Turkey was obliged to come to the Bible House 
and secure the drafts of the treasurer of the American Mis- 
sions. Money sent by mail was never sure of reaching its 
destination. The Turkish postal arrangements were all at 
odds, and more than that, the reception of money in any 
interior city by any except foreigners was merely the pretext 
for the appearance of Turkish officials who sought to deprive 
the people of what little they had. Moreover, there were 
many sections that the missionaries themselves could not 
reach. They were under suspicion in their homes and 
traveling was almost impossible. For a time there seemed 
to be hesitancy on the part of many lest the money that was 
contributed should not reach the people who needed it. The 
proposition then was made most naturally that the great Red 
Cross Society should furnish its aid. Its record, not merely 
in war but in famine, was most noble. In Russia and in this 
country it has done yeoman service. The appeal came first 
from the field and from those who, ready and willing to do all 
they could, felt that the burden was heavier than they could 
bear. The appeal met with a cordial response and Clara 
Barton, notwithstanding her advanced years, rose imme- 
diately to the emergency and gathered her forces to join with 
those already on the field for the relief of the thousands of 
suffering ones. It was at this time that an effort was made 
to combine the different relief committees in this country, 
and the organization was effected of a National Armenian 
Relief Committee, with Justice Brewer of the United 
States Supreme Court as its president and Brown Brothers, 
the well-known bankers at 59 Wall Street, New York 



GOVERNMENT OBJECTIONS. 513 

City, as treasurers. Other organizations were invited, not to 
sink their own individuality in this general committee, but 
simply to co-operate with it. For a time it seemed as if 
everything was going favorably and Miss Barton was on the 
point of starting. Then came the well-known objection of 
the Turkish Government. Word was sent that the Sultan 
absolutely refused to allow the Red Cross to do the work. 
In the first place he denied that there was any work needed ; 
affirmed that the stories of suffering were false, gotten up 
purely for political effect; and that whatever work was 
needed was already being done through Turkish officials and 
could be carried out by the corresponding organization in his 
own empire called the Red Crescent. Miss Barton, however, 
and those in charge of the committees, were not discouraged. 
Appeals were sent through Congress and the President and 
in an unofficial way pressure was brought to bear by Minister 
Terrell in Constantinople. The result was that at last ob- 
jections were overborne and Clara Barton and her associates 
reached Constantinople. From there they have spread 
throughout the empire using the means already at hand of 
assisting those who are overborne, and are brinorine relief to 
the sufferers in all the empire. 

To give that work in all its details would require a volume 
by itself. Erzrum, Trebizond, Bitlis, Van, Mardin, Harput, 
Sivas, Cesarea, Marsovan, Urfa, Aintab, Marash, are the cen- 
tres. To them from every direction come in the anxious 
suffering victims of the most barbaric cruelty the world has 
ever known. From them go forth the streams of life to the 
thousands of poor unfortunates unable to leave even the 
miserable shells of homes left to them. En^a^ed in this 
work are noble men and women of high education and 



514 COURAGE OF MISSIONARIES. 

the greatest refinement. It is is no easy task for them to meet 
the scenes that face them on every side. Regardless of 
threats, fearless of disease, anxious only to do for the poor 
people, whose sole return can be a " God bless you," spoken 
out of depths such as are unknown in more favored lands, 
they stand at their posts clothing the naked, washing the 
wounded, binding up broken limbs and soothing broken 
hearts. Well did Sir Philip Currie, the British Ambassador, 
say of them, that in the great cloud of disaster and ruin, the 
one bright thing that stood out before the world was the cour- 
age, devotion and common sense of the American Mission- 
aries. And now they are joined by Clara Barton, represent- 
ing altogether that highest reach of American help for 
the needy. A grand company, an object lesson to the world 
of American Christianity. 

We can do no better than to give extracts from letters from 
Van and Harput, describing the relief work in those places. 
The following was written in Van in December, 1895 : 

"Dr. Kimball now employs over nine hundred persons, 
who represent over forty-five hundred souls who are kept 
from starving and freezing this winter through her efforts and 
the contributions of friends. Yet she has to turn away hun- 
dreds of applicants who crowd around her daily with such 
desperate persistance that she cannot walk from her work- 
shop here without being fairly pulled to pieces by the famish- 
ing crowd. It can readily be imagined that this turning away 
of applicants is the hardest part of her work. Of this nine 
hundred the greater part are spinners and weavers, and are 
paid off by a native employe ; eighty-six are sizers, carders, 
cutters and weighers, whom she personally pays off. On one 
Saturday evening she paid off these men and opened a new 



DR. KIMBALL S WORK. 51 5 

account with each between half-past four and half-past six. 
But since the beginning of the massacres of the last two 
months, her work has been trebled. 

"Some of the villagers, many in fact, were forcibly kept 
within their own boundaries, to starve. Thousands of others, 
in the scanty rags left them, toiled, hungry and half frozen, 
through the snows to the city. Dr. Kimball immediately 
undertook, single-handed, to relieve them. Immense crowds 
of the miserable creatures throng her court daily. She has 
the case of each investigated, thoroughly and with despatch, 
then registers him, gives him a ticket on the two bread ovens 
she has rented and runs herself, and gives him clothing — 
clothing which has been manufactured by her own workers, 
from the raw cotton and wool. To avoid being cheated and 
to give work to more needy people, she has a department 
which cuts and sews garments for these poor, which she 
gives out instead of piece goods. She has just started 
another department which is making bedding for the same 
poor. Thus in these weeks she has fed and clothed over 
4,800. Every detail of the work requires her personal 
supervision, so you may understand why she is so busy. She 
has, besides, several surgical cases. Her workpeople beg 
to be paid in bread instead of money, so she wishes to open 
another oven. But just now funds seem to be gathering 
slowly in England, and fearful of debt, she has resolved to 
register no new cases till the next mail comes at least, with, 
we hope, more encouraging financial news. One great dif- 
ficulty is the scarcity of money in the city. The governor 
gave out that he would open an oven for the poor, and 
several thousand were registered, but no oven has been 
opened by him nor ever will be, though he will get the full 
credit of such a proceeding in Constantinople and Europe." 



51 6 a missionary's letter. 

The following was written to friends in this country by one 
of the missionary company at Harput, and gives a very vivid 
picture of the scenes in that city, one of the great centers of 
relief work: 

" I never shall forget the moment when I first realized 
(after the massacre) that the clothes I wore and the change 
which I had in a shawl bag with me were all my earthly pos- 
sessions. It was a good feeling, not only because there 
seemed to be just so much less to separate me from Christ 
and heaven, but because, surrounded as we were in that 
college, by 400 of our people who were stripped of every 
comfort, we could feel that not one of them could turn and 
say, ' You cannot understand our sorrows.' That first 
night and the next morning after the attack, when to each of 
us was given a small piece of bread for our meal, again there 
was a feeling of fellowship which I doubt not did us all 
gfood. 

" All honor to the brave cook who first dared to go out to 
the market and bring us something a little more relishing. 
It seemed to us a deed almost worthy of being mentioned 
with David's brave men who brought him water from the 
well at Bethlehem. To be sure, every mouthful half choked 
us, at first, because of the mental strain upon us, but soon 
we appreciated the fact that it was our duty to try to live. 
We were, many of us, sleeping on the floor on hard mat- 
tresses, five feet long and three and a half wide. Imagine 
three of us occupying one, with half of the body resting on 
the bare floor. But sleep was good. It was the awaking 
each morning to a realization of the horror of our situation 
which seemed an evil. 

" When the mixtures of feathers, molasses, straw, papers, 



RELIEF WORK. 51 7 

flour and canned fruits was cleaned from the two homes 
remaining to us missionaries, there commenced the work of 
making bedding and a very little necessary clothing, and 
gathering together household utensils. At first it was a 
grave question where we should get any money. The safes 
of the station had proved no barrier whatever to the greed 
of the plunderers. Few of us had had enough fear of an 
attack to try to save money or valuables, or, if we had, the 
fear was so desperate as to leave no heart to care for worldly 
possessions. The other world seemed too near for us to 
have any ' thought for the morrow.' But it was remarkable 
how, little by little, the market furnished us, not only with 
money, but with supplies for all our immediate wants. I 
need not tell you how delightful it seemed the first time we 
sat on a whole chair, at a table, with a cloth and napkins and 
with a knife and fork and spoon apiece ! Nor what sleep 
was, the first time we stretched ourselves upon our beds ! 

"As soon as it seemed safe for the people to leave the 
College and scatter to their homes, we who had been the 
touring missionaries, Miss Seymour and myself, hired one 
room where we commenced to have bedding made for the 
boys in the school. Soon it seemed evident that this was the 
beginning of a widespread work of relief for the sorely stricken 
people in all this region. The work has naturally divided 
itself up among those who were freest to take it in charge. 

" Dr. Barnum and Mr. Gates have stood at the head of the 
Relief Work. God bless them for their undaunted courage 
in the time of fear, attack and fire. God bless them for the 
inspiration of their faith and trust in Him and for their skill and 
wisdom in dealing with the difficulties of our situation. Day 
after day, for many weeks, their rooms have been crowded 



5l8 TURKISH EXTORTIONS. 

with people of all classes. Sometimes there is a procession 
of ragged villagers shivering with the cold ; then again five or 
six Armenians of influence, now humbled and anxious ; later, 
two or three Turkish officers whose present state of mind and 
heart we will not pretend to fathom. All sorts of things are 
wanted, from ' Akkul ' (wisdom) down to five paras (half a 
cent). One man tells how a neighbor has gained possession 
of his bed and won't give it up ; another of how a Turkish 
Bey wishes him to sign a receipt for eighty pounds which the 
former never has paid, and, if he does not sign, the Bey will 
burn his father's house ! Another comes to plead that money 
may be given to release one of our school-girls, still held in 
possession by the Kurds. A Turk comes to say that two 
or three of our horses have been found and he can get them, 
for a suitable compensation. Another comes to say that he 
knows where our lamps are. One man wants to rent us a safe, 
another wishes to get money and another to give that scarcest 
of all articles. During a quiet evening of rest at home, in 
comes a Protestant, full of deep anxiety for his sister in a 
near village. She and all her relatives have become Moslems 
in name through fear, and now the Turks insist that she shall 
marry her brother-in-law who has one wife already ! A living 
death is existence on this earth, to such as these. 

"In the midst of all these questions which truly belong to 
'Relief,' come long consultations about letters, telegrams, 
College work and funds. Dr. Barnum may be said to possess 
three tongues, English, Turkish and Armenian, which he uses 
at will. To Mr. Ellis falls the work of giving out tickets for 
bread. He now has some 1,500 hungry people on his list. 
He also superintends workmen in tearing down or building 
up walls. 



RELIEF ROOMS. 519 

" Miss Seymour and I found the one room far too small for 
our work. The latter has grown, until we have taken the 
whole house. Immediately after breakfast Miss Seymour 
goes there to find the front room packed full of women and 
girls who have come to bring back the suit of underclothes 
each took the day before, receive her pay, the small sum of 
two piasters (nine cents), and take home a new suit to sew. 
Or, it may be wool for a pair of stockings, for knitting which 
she will receive nearly sixteen cents. Miss Seymour com- 
mences the work of the day by a brief reading from the Scrip- 
tures, a few words of comfort, and prayer. 

" Later I came from my Bible class in the Male Department 
of the College and we worked together at the Relief Rooms 
the rest of the day. Three other rooms in the house are 
filled with women who are cutting out garments, and bedding; 
sewing these ; filling ticks with straw and quilts with wool ; 
spinning thread with which to sew and carding the wool for 
stockings. We also buy cotton and send out to near villages, 
to furnish the poverty-stricken people with spinning and 
weaving. At first, it was a grave question how many whole 
spinning wheels and looms had been left by the vandals who 
had broken everything they could not carry away or burn. 
From these rooms have gone out over 2,505 suits of under- 
clothes, 104 pairs of stockings, 220 mattresses, 302 comforta- 
bles, besides money and native calico for outside wear. 

" We have various kinds of helpers in the work ; one, our 
Rebecca, a graduate of the College, patiently sits by us all 
day long, to write down the names of those who are to take 
suits and cross off the names when they are returned and 
paid for. Then there is the energetic Vartar, superintendent 
of all the cutting and sewing ; she leaves at home each day 



520 BRAVE ARMENIANS. 

a little son and daughter, both wounded in the massacre 
here ; the little boy has been a great sufferer, and has longed 
to go and be with Christ. There is Caspar, our touring 
servant, who now buys our thread and straw and runs on 
errands generally. Then Asdur, who was the first to brave 
the dangers of a ride to Mezreh to send telegrams to 

o fc> 

Minister Terrell, informing him of our condition, and who has 
ever since gone hither and yon to hunt up cloth and money, 
dive into Turkish houses after bedding and stolen goods, and 
carry and bring telegrams and registered letters. Then 
Giragos from Hoh, across the plain. His home, shop and 
fields he has been obliged to leave to their fate and flee here 
to save his life, or, worse than death, to save himself from 
being made a Moslem by force. His face lights up with joy 
at every good deed we call upon him to undertake. He 
found fifty-three refugees from the plundered village of Geol- 
juk, the other day, and was made happy by the privilege of 
dealing out a bit of money to each and one hundred and fifty 
suits of clothes to take back to the village. It is he who buys 
cotton for us, weighs it and gives it out to villagers and 
gives us the account. Then come Sitrag, Mardiros and 
Hohannes. The first fled from the village of Hoh, where 
he was preaching, just in time to escape the attack there. 
The second was one of our colporteurs. He was away at 
a village and was robbed of all his books and most of his 
clothing and came here bare-footed and bare-headed. The 
last is a preacher who, the past winter, was sorely discouraged 
over his work in a near village and became really ill over it, 
but is now well and glad to work for others. These three 
are constantly examining into cases needing relief and enter- 
ing their homes to see whether the need warrants our incur- 



SAD-EYED WOMEN. 52 1 

ring expense for them. We are often in sore perplexity 
over these cases. We are constantly in danger of running 
on the Scylla and Charybdis of severity and too large merci- 
fulness. It needs the wisdom of the serpent and the harm- 
lessness of the dove to do just right and then we have to run 
the risk of some criticism, but we know that this must be 
expected, and we do seek to walk carefully and to obtain wis- 
dom from on high. 

"It would require volumes to tell you the touching inci- 
dents of this relief work. How many of those dear boys 
and girls in the College, whose bedding was freshly and nicely 
arranged for this term by a kind mother's hands, were soon 
to mourn with her, she in some distant city and they here, 
the massacre of husband and father. The father and two of 
the brothers of two of our girls were slain in the massacre 
at Chermuk, which was one of the most severe and horrible 
of any place. About 650 men were killed in that small town 
where are only 400 Christian houses. Anna, the mother of 
these girls, was three times stripped of all but two pieces of 
underclothing. Finally a kind Turk told his wife that she 
would be much to blame if she did not clothe and feed that 
poor widow and her children. But, fearing worse evils, in 
spite of all the dangers from robbers and the journey in win- 
ter, she made her way here, where we have given her cloth- 
ing, bedding, bread and work, and I trust, some comfort for 
her wounded heart. Her husband and sons were not even 
given burial. Our devoted Churkush pastor perished nobly 
testifying for Christ, and his wife also braved the dangers 
of the mountain journey rather than be separated longer 
from her eldest son who is in college here. We look into 
the sad eyes of these women and do not need to ask them 



522 FROZEN TO DEATH. 

what they have seen. Oh ! the depths of anguish which 
only one look reveals and yet they are so patient. God com- 
fort them. 

" Another day comes word of an arrival from Malatia, a 
beautiful woman, with five young children. Last year she 
was inconsolable over the death of her husband from cholera. 
Now she tells in the most tragic style of those awful days 
of fighting ; of the surrender of the church in which the 
Christians had sought refuge ; of her discovery of some rela- 
tives after having wandered about alone in her flight to the 
church ; of passing out through files of soldiers ; of God's 
wonderful protection so that not a Turk or Kurd looked at 
her or her children for evil ; then, with home and property 
all gone, finally comes the dangerous journey here and a 
shelter with her poor old mother-in-law, and our supply for 
her immediate wants. 

" A company of women from Palu came in, who fled from that 
place of horrors, because defenseless women and girls are 
constantly being carried off by Turks and Kurds and men 
are turning Moslem from fear. One poor woman, thin and 
white, her face almost covered with her veil, in true Palu 
style, but shivering with cold and nervousness, told of the 
death of her two-weeks-old baby on the road. The little 
thinof was frozen ! 

" A woman from a village on the opposite side of the plain 
is brought, just rescued from the house of a Kurd, where 
she had been held captive during the three weeks since the 
assault. She now works in our rooms and we have tried 
to do all we can to comfort her for her murdered husband 
and that awful three weeks, but never a smile lights up her 
face. More pitiful still was the case of two little girls, sis- 



NOVEL HEAD-COVERINGS. 523 

ters, who had been carried off in the same way. A brother, 
fearfully wounded, their only protector, and he was not 
able to save them from the bitter experience so common in 
these days of lawlessness. More than one mother has 
brought her daughter to this city to be under our protection 
as far as possible, fearing greater evils than death. 

"An Oriental woman thinks more of her head-covering 
than of any other part of her attire. What rags of black 
kerchiefs now cover the heads which bend low before us un- 
til they kiss our feet to beg for charity. Other city women 
who clothed themselves in silk dresses and sheets, now ap- 
pear in coarse, loose Turkish trousers and on their heads a 
common old cloth. They dare not do otherwise, for, if 
they appear in a shawl, some Turk is sure to say in passing, 
with a look of hatred, ' Ha ! you still wear shawls, do you ?' 
The family comb, even, has gone in many cases, and for many 
days there was an indiscriminate borrowing of this useful 
article ! 

" Very many priests were slain in the massacres and those 
who have escaped have been to us, from far and near, for 
bedding and clothing. They are exiles from their homes at 
present, not daring to return, lest they should be killed. To 
such we seek to deal most liberally, for we hope to show the 
true spirit of gospel love and to break down the wall of par- 
tition which has so long separated them from us. Hence- 
forth we wish the names Protestant and Gregorian to be 
merged in the one holy title of Christian. 

" One man from a village where we have lone tried to find 
entrance, but encountered bitter and unconquered opposition, 
pleaded for help most persistently. Finally I said, ' Brother, I 
do not know you ; how can I tell if you are really needy? If 



524 WONDERFUL DELIVERANCES. 

you were a Hulakeghli, (a native of a village near, where we 
have had a flourishing church), I should be able to tell your 
name and your circumstances and to trust your word. Now 
I want to help you, but am puzzled ; see what you have lost.' 
I am glad to say that we found a safe way of helping even 
that dark village, and Mr. Gates was much pleased with the 
way money was distributed there by their own people. 

" Many have been the wonderful deliverances of our Prot- 
estant pastors and preachers. The preacher at Palu was 
separated from his wife and both were in the greatest peril. 
He was in hiding in a stable with his wife at first, when the 
Kurds came in and attacked and killed the men there. Baron 
Asdur, this preacher, was saved by clinging to two women to 
prevent their separating enough from each other so that he 
could be seen. Finally, during another attack there, they 
were all driven from that spot and he received what was sup- 
posed to be his death-blow. His poor little wife sat and wept 
over him awhile, then fled, alone, for her life, from one spot 
to another. A Kurd seized her in the street and said, 'Now 
you are to be my wife!' He dragged her off a little way 
when she saw two soldiers. She pulled away from the Kurd, 
crying out, ' I won't go with this man!' and placed herself 
under their protection (?), half crazed with fear as she was. 
A well-known Turk in the city saw her, picked up her shoes 
and veil and put them on, and took her to his house with the 
assurance that she was to be his wife! Poor child, she was 
joined there by many refugees and one of them who knew 
her soon said, 'Do you know that your husband is down 
stairs?' She hastened down to find him, pale and ghastly, 
standing in the hall of the Turk's house. The story of how 
they were ejected from that shelter, as the Turk's life was in 



BIBLES DESTROYED. 5 2 5 

danger if he protected them longer, of their appeal to the 
Governor of Palu, of another kind Turk's lending them 
money to escape to Ichme (the wife's native village, on this 
plain, and a journey of eight hours), and of his flight from 
there here, clad in coarse, old village clothes which he had 
picked up, is too long to relate in detail. He was not safe in 
Ichme, since our pastor, the priest, and many of the chief men 
had become martyrs and others left alive had become Mos- 
lems. The sequel was that Sara followed him here ; we gave 
them clothing and bedding, and a small salary was continued. 
A babe was born to them soon after they were nicely settled, 
but Sara lived only a few days, and one of the works of relief 
done by willing, sympathizing hands, was to buy cloth for the 
burial dress, and for the lining to the outside and inside of 
the plain wooden box in which her tired body was laid to rest. 
In a couple more days he buried his old mother, who had fled 
from the fearful attack on Hueli, another village on the plain. 
"There is a famine of the Word of God in our field, for 
thousands of Bibles and Testaments in cities and villages 
have been trodden under foot, torn to shreds, or thrown into 
the fire to burn ; and one of the most touching questions 
asked us in our Relief Rooms is, ' Haven't you a Bible to give 
me ? We long for a Bible.' We have to tell them that all 
the great store we had of God's precious word is gone and 
even Miss Seymour and I have no English or Armenian Bible 
of our own, only each a little Testament. So Miss Wheeler 
is superintending the printing by hand of packages of texts 
of Scripture which are distributed with the work each day, 
and by Dr. Barnum and Mr. Gates to men who come to them. 
The boys of the school do this printing to earn their 
schooling. 



526 SURVIVORS BEGGING. 

"I have said that we examined the cases carefully, to see if 
we were warranted in giving relief. It is true that there are 
thousands of cases we can never reach. It is also true that there 
is scarcely an Armenian family anywhere that does not need 
help, for with merchandise and tools plundered, with roads 
too dangerous for travel and public confidence all gone, what 
is there in the present or future to awaken hope ? How are 
those who are in these circumstances to live ? Another grave 
problem is the difficulty of getting money as fast as it is wanted. 
There is no credit. People cannot get their debts paid, or 
drafts cashed. In Malatia, where 4,000 Armenians and per- 
haps 1,000 Turks were killed, the ^50 we first sent was 
divided up among the most needy and about 2>/4 piasters, or 
14 cents, was given to each person, or 22^ piasters to a 
family of six persons — that is, about 90 cents. Remember 
that everything is gone, houses, bedding, clothing, stores of 
food, shops and merchandise. It is said that widows and 
orphans wander about the streets begging, even going into 
the market-place in their desperation, and there the Turks 
often stand and throw out handfuls of nuts, or crumbs of 
bread, and laugh to see the poor creatures scramble after them. 

" A party of travelers coming from Palu saw a company 
of people coming down from a mountain toward them. They 
proved to be plundered Christians, driven out of their homes 
into hiding-places in the mountains, where they were subsisting 
on green stalks of wheat and such herbs as they could find. 
They begged piteously for bread. Who can describe the 
anguish of this land ! ' O Lord, how long ! ' we cry. May 
God, in His mercy, move multitudes of hearts to give with 
rare liberality for these suffering ones. If we get these poor 
widows and orphans through the winter, what means of living 



A RECORD OF DEVOTION. 527 

have they for the future ? Can we be too bold in our plead- 
ing that, for Christ's sake, all who enjoy the comforts and 
luxuries of life will give until they feel it, for so pitiful a case ? 
Do you wonder, as we think of the blighted hopes for our 
homes and work, that we say, ' Is the past a dream, or, is it 
the present which is the dream, and shall we wake to find the 
dear old rooms, the mementoes, conveniences, and old, loved 
paths of duty ? Whichever it is, I tell you that we are content, 
and only know, more and more surely, that ' for us to live is 
Christ and to die is gain.' " 

This story is simple fact, told by a woman whom the 
author knows well. He has been a guest in those Harput 
homes, and in the villages, has traveled over those roads, has 
shared with those pastors the services of God's house. Let 
his own most earnest testimony emphasize every word of this 
record of devotion and of suffering, and add what force he can 
to the plea for help — help ere it be too late. 
31 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Partition of Turkey. 

Factors in the Problem — Turkey and Europe — Topography of the Country — Distribution 
of Population — Countries Interested — Russia, England, France, Austria, Italy, Germany, 
Greece, Bulgaria — Desire for Territorial Aggrandizement — Mutual Jealousies — Possible 
Solution — Turkish Factor Often Overlooked — Great Difficulties to be Met. 

THE subject of the partition of Turkey has been prominent 
before the countries of the world for fully a century. At 
repeated intervals the different journals, as well as the states- 
men of this country and of Europe, have given considerable 
space to plans for such a partition. That partition has not, 
however, as yet taken place, and its possibility depends upon 
a large number of factors which are often overlooked. It is 
the purpose of this chapter to set forth the situation as it is, 
as clearly as may be, not with a view to making any prophecy 
of any kind — simply to furnish the basis for private judgment. 

In any question of the partition of an empire, two factors 
are prominent: ist. The country to be divided, and 2d. The 
people among whom it is to be divided. The first factor 
is the Turkish Empire ; the second, the nations of Europe. 

The Turkish Empire has already in the first chapters of 
this book been described in general. It is proposed here not 
to repeat those statement^ but to gather some of the facts 



TOPOGRAPHY. 529 

and place them in their relation to this particular topic. The 
first factor again is a double one, (i) the country itself, and 
(2) its population. 

Topographically the Turkish Empire may be divided into 
five sections : 1. European Turkey. 2. Asia Minor, extending 
from the Bosporus and the Aegean Sea east to a somewhat 
irregular line drawn from Samsun on the Black Sea south to 
Alexandretta. 3. Eastern Turkey, including the section be- 
tween Asia Minor and Persia, and extending south along the 
borders of Persia and the Tigris as far as somewhat below 
Mosul. 4. Syria, including the section east of the Mediter- 
ranean as far as Aleppo on the north and the Hauran on the 
east; and 5. Mesopotamia. Arabia and Egypt practically do 
not enter in. Of these different sections, European Turkey 
is a very irregular country, including the eastern coast of the 
Adriatic, Macedonia and the southeastern part of the Balkan 
Peninsula to Constantinople. It is a very diversified section, 
with really no distinctive physical characteristics. Albania is 
mountainous, as is also Macedonia to a certain degree, but the 
mountains are by no means forbidding, and the different val- 
leys furnish comparatively easy access in every direction. 
Topographically, European Turkey offers no particular 
difficulties to the progress of any conquering Powers, the 
Balkans being eliminated. As we cross into Asia, how- 
ever, the situation is very different. Asia Minor consists 
chiefly of a series of high plateaus averaging about 4,000 
feet above the level of the sea, separated from each other 
by rough rather than mountainous sections, but all separated 
from the coast, north, south and west, by mountain ranges of 
no very great height indeed, but extremely rugged and diffi- 
cult of passage. Eastern Turkey is entirely mountainous. 



530 SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA. 

with numerous valleys, some of them of considerable extent, 
so that they may fairly be called plateaus. Such are the 
plains of Erzrum and those that branch off from it into the 
east, the plain of Mush and the plain of Van. The moun- 
tains are, many of them, very severe, not merely of con- 
siderable height, but extremely difficult of passage. 

Passing south, Syria is divided by the Lebanon range of 
mountains into the narrow coast-line occupied by the cities of 
Tripoli, Beirut, Sidon, etc., and the Hauran. North of this, 
however, is a somewhat extended plain or rolling country, 
whose chief cities are Aleppo, Urfa and Aintab. On the 
north, where the Taurus Mountains form the division be- 
tween Syria and Asia Minor, there are quite a number of 
cities, such as Marash, Albistan and others. Mesopotamia is 
pure plain, extending from the sharply denned range that 
borders the southern part of Asia Minor, and extends to a 
little degree into Eastern Turkey, clear to the Persian Gulf. 
Often this is looked upon as desert, but there is comparatively 
very little of real desert, and even the unoccupied land, with 
a little irrigation, becomes fertile. The Mesopotamian plain 
proper is as beautifully fertile as any section of the world. 

Of these different sections the only two that are not sepa- 
rated from each other are Asia Minor and Eastern Turkey. 
The line between them is very vague. They are both sepa- 
rated very distinctly from Syria and Mesopotamia on the 
south, and Syria and Mesopotamia are practically set apart 
from each other by a wide extent of uninhabited land where 
there is little to be found except roaming tribes of Bedouin 
Arabs. These intervening ranges of mountains and tracts 
of uninhabited country are traversed by almost no roads. 
On the Black Sea border there are really but four roads that 



MOUNTAIN RANGES, ETC. 53 1 

can be said to be available, penetrating into the interior : 
Trebizond to Erzrum ; Samsun to Sivas and Harput; Kera- 
sun to Sivas, and Ineboli to Castamuni. Only one, that 
from Trebizond to Erzrum, can really be said to be a good 
road. That from Samsun to Sivas was at one time fairly 
good, but is now in much disrepair. Both pass over such 
sharp mountain ranges that they are very easily defended in 
case of attack, and a comparatively small force could hold 
them against a considerable invading army. The third road, 
from Ineboli to Castamuni, passes over less rugged mountains, 
but through a rough country, where defense is easy. On the 
west, the roads from Constantinople by way of Nicomedia to 
Angora and from Smyrna in two directions, on the north to 
Angora and on the south to Konieh, pass over a very rough 
country, easily defended. On the south, from the seaboard at 
Adana there is a very rough road to Cesarea; also one ex- 
tremely difficult of passage, certainly for armies, from Aleppo 
to Sivas and Harput. From Mosul and Mardin to Diarbekir 
and on to Harput there is a fairly good road, but that is also 
over a considerable mountain pass. East of these there are 
really no roads at all, and the passage from Eastern Turkey 
into Persia is confined to mountain paths. 

Topographically thus, Asia Minor and Eastern Turkey are 
one country, separated from all the countries around and 
from access by sea, by mountain ranges of difficult passage. 

Another thing that must be kept in mind is the general 
condition of the country. Normally Asiatic Turkey is ex- 
tremely fertile, not merely the Mesopotamia plain already re- 
ferred to, but the plateaus and valleys to the north produce 
the most wonderful crops. Under the administration of the 
past century, or the past centuries, however, this condition has 



53 2 KURDS, CIRCASSIANS, ETC. 

diminished marvelously, so that there are wide sections of 
country practically deserted, with no cities, towns or villages, 
and not a sign of cultivation, and even where there is cultiva- 
tion, that is carried on in as limited a degree as possible, be- 
cause under the oppression of the Turkish Government there 
is no incentive to increased production. The most noticeable 
result of this condition, from the present standpoint, is that a 
foreign army would find comparatively little upon which to 
subsist/ It would be compelled in great degree to carry its 
provisions with it, especially in the face of the opposition of the 
people. 

The second element in the first factor is the population. 
The general characteristics of that population have already 
been stated and there needs to be no repetition. Here it is 
sufficient to indicate the general distribution. From Constan- 
tinople and the Aegean Sea through Asia Minor and through 
a certain part of Eastern Turkey, the Turkish population is 
in a considerable majority over all others. It occupies the 
great plains of Central Asia Minor in strong force. It is found 
not to so great an extent in the mountainous regions, but even 
there it is the predominant element, not merely by virtue of 
being the ruling class and identified with the government, but 
because of its force of character. In the extreme eastern part 
the Kurds are in the great majority, and they are to be found 
in considerable numbers through all the mountain sections as 
far west even as Adana on the south, and Samsun on the 
north. Through Western Asia Minor, in addition to the 
Turks, there are numbers of Circassians and the tribes known 
as Xeibecks, Avshars, etc. Armenians are found in very 
nearly equal numbers throughout the whole section, though 
there is not one section in which they predominate. They are 



MOSLEMS DOMINANT. 533 

strong in the cities of Van, Erzrum, Harput, Sivas, Cesarea, 
Marsovan and the surrounding plains ; also in the mountain 
sections of Bitlis, Mush, Zeitun and Hajin. The Greeks are 
found chiefly along the seaboard. All the way from Trebi- 
zond on the Black Sea to Constantinople, then south through 
Smyrna, Adalia to Adana, they are in large numbers, chiefly 
in the vicinity of Smyrna, but they form a considerable element 
in Central Asia Minor. Armenians are found to some extent 
all through Western Asia Minor. In no one section, how- 
ever, are the Christians even in a numerical majority over the 
Moslems, and when account is taken of their general condi- 
tion, the fact that they have no arms, have not been allowed 
to have arms during all these centuries, have had no training 
in organization, and have had their mutual jealousies and hos- 
tilities constantly developed by the peculiar system of govern- 
ment, and by their ecclesiastical differences, it will be readily 
seen that it is impossible to expect of them any organized 
resistance to Moslem government, or any effective assistance 
to an invading army. 

Passing south into Syria and Mesopotamia, very much the 
same condition of things is seen. There are numerous Ar- 
menians in Northern Syria, Marash, Aintab and Urfa. In 
Aleppo and Syria proper, the Syrians, Jacobites and Maron- 
ites are the ruling Christian sects, and in Mesopotamia the 
Jacobites, Chaldeans and Nestorians. The Moslems, how- 
ever, are everywhere the dominant class. Along the eastern 
bank of the Tigris to a considerable distance below Mosul, 
the Kurds are powerful, not merely by numbers, but in 
character, being of a higher grade than their fellows to the 
north. Between them and the Syrian coast, the whole coun- 



534 RUSSIA S CLAIMS. 

try is dominated by the Arabs, all thoroughly, even where 
they are not intensely, Moslem. 

We come now to consider the second general factor in the 
question of partition, the different countries which may 
be supposed to be interested in taking their share. These 
countries are Russia, France, Austria, Greece, Bulgaria, 
Italy, England and Germany, named in the order of their 
apparent interest in the acquisition of territory. 

Russia's idea has been made sufficiently clear in the pre- 
ceding pages of this book. It may be briefly stated as 
follows : She needs free passage for her merchant marine 
into the Mediterranean, in order to the best development 
of her provinces, and also for her navy, in order that it may 
be kept in good condition. At the best her egress through the 
Baltic is uncertain, the harbors being closed by ice through a 
considerable part of the winter, and the entrance to the 
Baltic is too easily defended by other nations for her to be 
confident of securing an always open passage. That is the 
immediate necessity. Beyond that there is the great Russian 
idea of an empire that shall eclipse all previous achievements 
of Egyptians, Assyrians, Greeks, Romans, French and Eng- 
lish. The future of the Slavic race is to her bound up in her 
political supremacy, and ever since the time of Peter the 
Great, she has pressed toward that point with unwavering 
fidelity, not always with uniform energy, frequently allowing 
lapses, yet always with this ultimate idea in mind. For that 
the entire Turkish Empire is essential to her. She claims 
herself the successor of the Byzantine Empire through the 
marriage of the daughter of the last Byzantine Emperor to 
Ivan III, and she looks upon every inch of territory held by 
that empire as legitimately hers, and proposes to claim it in 



FRANCE AND AUSTRIA. 535 

due time. More than that, as the defender of the Orthodox 
Greek Church, she claims the primacy in the Holy Places and 
has put forth every effort to secure her recognition there. 
With Russia thus, there is pratically no such thing as partition 
possible. She means to have the whole. She may indeed 
waive a portion of it for the time, feeling herself unequal to 
accomplishing her entire purpose, but the whole she claims, 
and the whole she is determined to have at some time in the 
future. 

France has no very great designs upon Ottoman territory. 
Undoubtedly Napoleon had dreams of an Eastern Empire, 
but it may be questioned whether his dreams have come 
down to the present Republic. Still, France stands to-day 
as the patron of the Roman Catholic Church and holds 
hereditary primacy in the Holy Places in Palestine. More 
than that, the Roman Catholic Church has extended its in- 
fluence throughout Mesopotamia in a great degree, and 
French commercial interests, increasing in the far East, have 
not been blind to the opportunities furnished, first, by the 
Suez Canal ; second, by the waterways of Mesopotamia and 
the Persian Gulf. Her prompt action in i860 secured for her 
troops the occupancy of Syria and a general diplomatic prec- 
edence in Damascus and Beirut. That she has never waived, 
but has rather increased by numerous means. For Con- 
stantinople itself, it is probable she cares comparatively little, 
but she does assert her claim to Syria and her interest at 
least in Mesopotamia. 

Austria comes next, as the Power most closely interested 
in a share as residuary legatee of the Sultan's domain. The 
Austrian Empire is curiously heterogeneous in its character, 
embracing as it does Germans, Czechs, Magyars, and the 



536 OTHER EUROPEAN POWERS. 

mountaineers of Bosnia and Herzegovina. She has the same 
need that Russia has, an outlet to the sea. At present she 
holds only Trieste and Fiume, but has for some time looked 
with longing eyes upon the rich valley of the Vardar, with its 
outlet at Salonica, which she considers a legitimate addition 
to Bosnia. Whavever others may gain, it is generally con- 
ceded that Austria would look for this at least. 

Next to Austria comes Greece. Her ambitions are well 
known and her desires perfectly natural. She wishes Epirus 
and Thessaly, and it is generally conceded that, in any division, 
a portion at least of those sections should belong to her. 

On the other hand, Bulgaria longs for Macedonia, and 
Bulgaria and Greece together would scarcely look with ap- 
proval upon a slice of Austrian territory right between them. 
Bulgaria has already added Eastern Rumelia, and the Uskup 
region and the upper valley of the Vardar would almost in- 
evitably fall to her unless Austria should come down and 
claim the whole. 

Italy's interest lies less in the Sultan's domain than in 
Austria. She has long felt aggrieved by the loss of Trieste, 
and were Austria to enlarge her borders south along the 
Adriatic coast and across to the Aegean at Salonica, Italy 
might claim that her ancient port should be restored to her. 

England is ordinarily placed among the first of those in- 
terested in the division of the Sultan's domains. It is evi- 
dent, however, that her interests are not for the acquisition 
of territory, certainly beyond the Island of Cyprus, which 
she now holds. Whether her occupation of Egypt will be 
permanent or not, is a mooted question. There is an in- 
creasing feeling in England that if only there can be some 
international guarantee for the inviolability of the Suez Canal, 



QUESTION OF PARTITION. 537 

it is far better for England to withdraw her troops, and to 
content herself with developing other possessions more 
thoroughly and entirely her own. As a positive factor then 
with regard to the absorption of territory, England does 
not stand in the front rank of those who look with eager 
eyes upon the distribution of the spoils. 

Germany comes last, because she really, so far as it ap- 
pears, has no desire whatever for territorial aggrandizement 
in that region, and is mentioned merely because of her pres- 
ence as a factor in the general question. 

The question of partition, however, is not by any means 
merely one of special aggrandizement of the different em- 
pires. Even deeper interests are involved in the mutual 
jealousies of the Powers, and the influence that they seek to 
exert in preventive form, are in some respects the most 
potent. While England, for instance, cares little or nothing 
for territorial enlargement at the expense of the Sultan, she 
does care very much that Russia should not overpower the 
Suez Canal. While Germany has no designs upon Mace- 
donia or Asia Minor, it is to her of great importance that her 
nearest neighbor should not practically surround her, by ex- 
tending his domains even through to the Atlantic. Italy cares 
nothing about the eastern shores of the Mediterranean, but 
she does care about protecting her own borders against the 
incursions of a powerful fleet exercised and trained in the 
Black Sea as an inland lake. Greece may have no great de- 
sire beyond Thessaly and Epirus, but she has no ambition to 
be swallowed up by the great Power of the north. Bulgaria 
has fought too earnestly for independence to be willing to 
lose all the ground gained during these past years. France 
will scarcely be willing to see her traditional influence in 



538 PARTITION OF TURKEY. 

Jerusalem entirely set aside. How are these various ambitions 
to be gratified, and these jealousies to be avoided ? That, so 
far as the European Powers are concerned, is the problem in* 
volved in the partition of Turkey. 

Various solutions have been offered. The most plausible 
is one outlined in a prominent English journal toward the 
close of 1895, which is substantially as follows. Commencing 
with European Turkey : Bulgaria to have the remainder of 
the southeastern part of the Balkan Peninsula up to within a 
few miles of Constantinople ; Austria to have the valley of 
the Vardar, with the port of Salonica, and probably the Adri- 
atic shore, nearly to the Ionian Islands, Greece taking the 
remainder; Constantinople, with the Bosporus, the littoral 
of the Sea of Marmora, and the Dardanelles, to be made a 
Free State, with some sort of guarantee by the European 
Powers, not unlike that by which Belgium secures her inde- 
pendence. In Asia: Russia to be given full possession of 
Eastern Turkey, including the cities of Trebizond, Erzrum, 
Harput, Van, Bitlis, Diarbekir and Mardin, and, if she desires, 
the entire Mesopotamia plain to Mosul, Bagdad and Bas- 
sorah, thus securing an outlet to the Persian Gulf; France to 
have Syria, including the coast cities of Sidon, Beirut, Tripoli 
and Alexandretta, and Damascus, Aleppo, Aintab and Urfa ; 
Jerusalem and the immediately surrounding country to be made 
independent, under international protection, much as Con- 
stantinople ; England to be allowed Cyprus and Egypt, the 
Suez Canal being under international guaranties ; Greece to 
have Crete, Rhodes and the other islands of the Archipelago, 
and Austria to yield to Italy Trieste. Three sections remain, 
Arabia, Tripoli in Africa and Asia Minor. The first would be 
left to itself, and Tripoli might be divided between Italy and 



A DIFFICULT PROBLEM. 539 

France; as to Asia Minor, there is more of doubt. Until 
the time of the recent massacres, there was a very general 
feeling that this might be left to the Sultan, with his capital 
at Brusa, where his line began its reign, or at Konieh 
(Iconium), the capital of the first Turkish (Seljuk) dynasty. 
Since the massacres, there has arisen a popular demand that 
the rule of the Sultans should cease, and two propositions 
have appeared : one that France should add Asia Minor to 
Syria, the other that Russia should be allowed to extend her 
borders west to the Aegean Sea and the vicinity of Constanti- 
nople. 

In this and in all similar plans, there is an element that is 
practically left out of sight, and that is the first factor men- 
tioned above, Turkey itself, the country and its people. 
There seems to be a general impression that about all that 
the European Powers have to do is to arrange among them- 
selves, and then carry out any plan that they may see 
fit. The difficulty of doing this will, however, be apparent. 
To begin with, there is the country itself, difficult of access 
from the outside, with such topographical characteristics as 
would render it easy to carry on a guerilla warfare for a long 
time, necessitating a large army of occupation, and so 
generally destitute that the troops would require a consider- 
able commissariat. There is also the population. There are 
at least 6,000,000 Turks, and those who have read the chapter 
on the Turks will readily see that they are by no means to be 
overlooked. They are not at all the effete race they are 
sometimes described, but in the interior provinces are sturdy, 
powerful men, of great physical endurance, simple habits, 
and able to live where foreign troops would scarcely find 
sustenance. Personally they are brave, as the Russians who 



540 ABSOLUTE SUBJECTION IMPOSSIBLE. 

met them at Plevna and Shipka can testify; they have no 
fear of death ; indeed, under the influence of their priests, 
they would throw themselves into the defense of their country 
with a vigor and a recklessness that would tax the best troops 
of Europe. The Turkish army may be, probably, is dis- 
organized, yet the material for a powerful army is ready at 
hand and needs only circumstances to call it into being, and 
make it an engine of destructiveness whose power it would 
be difficult to estimate. Account must also be taken of the 
other Moslem tribes. The Kurds are, it is true, cowardly 
and easily subdued in regular combat. They are, however, 
at home in the mountains and it would require a pretty strong 
occupying force to keep them in absolute subjection. Two 
and a half to three millions of such men are an element 
which an occupying army can scarcely ignore. There are, 
too, the Circassians and Lazes, far bolder and braver than the 
Kurds, cherishing bitter resentment for their expulsion from 
the Caucasus, and eager to take vengeance on any Christian 
within reach ; the Xeibecks, Yoruks and Avshars, of Western 
Asia Minor, who will not readily yield their opportunities for 
plunder ; the Druzes, of Syria ; the Bedouins of the desert and 
the milder, but by no means cowardly, Arabs of Mesopotamia. 
To suppose that the entire Moslem world of Asiatic Turkey 
would quietly stand by and see the European Powers appor- 
tion among themselves the domains that have belonged to 
the house of Osman for six centuries, is scarcely within the 
bounds of reason. It must be remembered too that the 
Christians could offer little resistance to the Moslems or be 
of great help to the invaders. A few, perhaps, like the 
Armenians of Zeitun, or the Nestorians of Tiari, might hold 
their own in their mountain fortresses for a time, but even 



EUROPE UNDERSTANDS. 541 

then they would accomplish little. Were the word to go from the 
minarets of the Mosques, from Constantinople to Bagdad, that 
the Cross was threatening to destroy the Crescent, there 
would commence a slaughter not unlike the one Kingsley 
describes in "Hypatia," when the Goths entrapped the Alexan- 
drines and piled the corpses in the center, keeping time to 
the weird notes of their leader's flute. In time, the succoring 
troops might come but they would find the land one vast 
charnel house, with bones and tresses of hair alone left to 
tell the story of the races that for the centuries have kept 
true to their Christian faith. 

It is easy, in well carpeted and luxuriously furnished draw- 
ing-rooms and newspaper offices in Europe and America, to 
demand the destruction of the Turkish Government, to lay 
down plans for the apportionment of the empire, and then to 
deride statesmen as cowardly because they hesitate to carry 
out those plans. The Cabinets of London, Paris, Vienna and 
Berlin understand the situation perfectly, and they, far better 
than newspaper correspondents and chance travelers, know 
the real meaning of the term, " Partition of Turkey." They 
know that it means war, if not among themselves, at least 
with a race that has never yet tamely submitted to the con- 
queror, and war in a country difficult of access, and easily 
defended. War means heavy expense, and the treasuries of 
Europe are by no means full. Already the cry of the Socialists 
of Germany, the Nihilists of Russia, the overburdened farmers 
of Italy and the peasants of Austria, is loud against increased 
taxation, and partition means taxation. The object of this 
chapter will have been secured if it is made clear what parti- 
tion of the Turkish Empire involves, 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

America and Turkey. 

Early Treaties — Some Prominent Ambassadors — American Missionaries — Obedience to the 
Laws — Treaty Rights — Questions of Importance — Indemnity at Harput and Marash — 
More Consuls Needed — Naturalized Americans — Right of Domicile Threatened — Posi- 
tive Action Needed — Duty of America. 

THE question will naturally arise, What are America's 
relations to the general situation in Turkey? So far 
as benevolent, religious and philanthropic works are concerned, 
they are set forth in the chapters on Missions and Relief Work. 
A few thing-s should be said in regard to the relations between 
the two governments. The first treaty between the United 
States and Turkey was negotiated in 1830, but not completed 
until a year later, by Commodore David Porter, as Charge- 
d' Affaires. It included " the most favored nation " clause and 
placed this country on a footing of perfect equality with all 
the European Powers. Subsequently ambassadors were sent, 
and their number has included many men of eminence, Geo. 
P. Marsh, Gen. James Williams, E. Joy Morris, Horace 
Maynard, Geo. H. Boker, Gen. Lew Wallace, Oscar S. Straus, 
and, at present, A. W. Terrell. All of these men have been 
on terms of most cordial intimacy with the Porte and the Sul- 
tans, and have exerted a strong influence in favor of the best 
good of the empire. Especially since the Crimean War, on 
(542) 



AMERICAN AMBASSADORS. 543 

account of the peculiar relations existing between Turkey and 
the great Powers of Europe, it has been the custom of the 
Sultans and their Ministers to hold more informal intercourse 
with some ambassador, not so closely connected with the 
diplomatic questions of Europe. Thus the Ministers of Bel- 
gium and Holland have at times been peculiarly intimate with 
the Turkish administration, but probably no country has, on 
the whole, been more favored in this respect than the United 
States. Mr. Maynard, Gen. Wallace and Mr. Straus, each 
for different reasons, personal and political, have been specially 
prominent, and each received marked tokens of the friend- 
ship of the Sultan. 

It was natural that their care should be especially exercised 
for the missionaries who formed almost the entire American 
community in the empire. It was inevitable also that the 
most perplexing questions should arise in connection with 
their work. The character of that work has already been 
described in general, and it will be readily seen that friction 
between them and the Turkish Government was very easily 
produced. That there has been so little of it, is due both to 
the patience and common sense of the missionaries and the 
wise conduct of the American Embassy. On the one hand, 
the missionaries realized that so long as they were resi- 
dents of the empire they were under obligation to obey its 
laws. If those laws were unjust they might seek to secure 
their modification, but until that was secured, the laws were 
obeyed. Every statute as to the censorship of books, the 
erection of buildings, the conduct of public service, traveling 
from one place to another, was observed most scrupulously. 
On the other hand, the ambassadors made it clear that they 

were there purely to safeguard American rights, and that their 
32 



544 INDEMNITIES WAIVED. 

protection of American citizens was dependent upon the right 
conduct of those citizens ; they, as government officials, had 
nothing to do with their special work as teachers, preachers 
or philanthropists, more than with the work of merchants, 
lawyers, doctors, mining engineers, or travelers. When, howr 
ever, the natural rights of those citizens were affected in any 
way, they acted promptly and effectively. Three American 
missionaries, Mr. Merriam, of Philippopolis ; Mr. Parsons, of 
Nicomedia, and Mr. Coffin, of Hajin, were murdered by 
bandits, and in two cases execution of the murderers was 
secured. At one time Turkish officers entered and searched 
the Bible House at Constantinople, without observing the 
regular forms of treaty law, and apology and indemnity were 
given. When books were seized by local censors of a prov- 
ince in spite of their having the regular permit of the Cen- 
tral Bureau, apology and indemnity were secured, but in one 
case the State Department at Washington most unfortunately 
overruled the Ambassador, and waived the indemnity, thereby 
giving encouragement for repetition of the offense. When 
Dr. Raynolds and Mr. Cole were attacked and almost mur- 
dered by a Kurdish chief in the vicinity of Bitlis, he was 
arrested, tried and convicted, on the urgent demand of the 
Ambassador. He proved too powerful for severe punish- 
ment to be inflicted, yet good was done. So also in the 
case of Kurds who attacked Miss Melton near Amadieh 
in 1894. 

In general, it may be said that they have been successful 
in securing from the Turkish Government punishment of 
offenders and indemnity for injuries whenever they have had 
the cordial support of the home government. Unfortunately 
there have been times when the State Department has not 



STATE DEPARTMENTS MISTAKES. 545 

seemed to wholly understand the case, and to imagine that 
the difficulties which have arisen have been due to the religious 
character of the work of the missionaries, and that therefore 
they cannot claim the same protection which would be accorded 
to any traveler or merchant. This has been a most serious 
mistake. Those who will read the pages in Chapter X, on 
Turkey and Europe, in which the first treaty between Sulei- 
man the Magnificent and Francis I of France is described, 
and which furnished the basis for all succeeding treaties with 
foreign governments, will readily see that the Turkish Govern- 
ment has always recognized the right of foreigners to conduct 
public worship, open schools, publish books, etc., and their 
claims to the protection of their own governments and of the 
Turkish Government, so long as they do not transgress against 
the laws of the empire. Only as they do transgress those 
laws do they forfeit the claim to protection. Each case then 
should be judged on its merits in the same way that similar 
judgment would be passed in this country. Men innocent 
of crime should be protected to the full extent of the power 
of this government, and for all injury, indemnity should be 
paid. 

There are certain cases of great importance now pending. 
The burning of the school building at Marsovan in 1893 has 
already been made good by the payment of indemnity and 
the granting of a permit for rebuilding. There are to be con- 
sidered the questions as to the destruction of American prop- 
erty at Harput and Marash, and the injury to American 
citizens in both places. The responsibility of the Turkish 
Government is easily recognized from the statements in 
Chapters XXIII and XXIV, giving account of those massacres. 
There was military force enough on hand in each place for full 



546 CLAIMS FOR REPARATION. 

protection, and in Harput, the finding of a bomb from the 
cannon of the regular Turkish artillery is proof sufficient of 
the complicity of Turkish officials. The American Govern- 
ment should press the claim for full reparation, including cash 
indemnity for loss, permits for rebuilding and punishment of 
the officials who were responsible. Only thus can there be 
any security for other property or comfort for American lives. 
The question has been raised as to the return of American 
citizens from Turkey. It has been urged that all leave the in- 
terior cities, as it is impossible to protect them there. The im- 
mediate answer is, that it is possible to protect them there, as 
is evident from the experience of Miss Shattuck at Urfa, and 
of others at Mosul. The Turkish Government has the power, 
and will exercise it if it finds it must. The missionaries 
decline to abandon to the ferocity of brutal Kurds and 
Turks people whom they love, and large property entrusted 
to their care, or to sacrifice the commanding influence in the 
moral and spiritual development of the people gained during 
sixty years of labor. So long as they are at their posts, the 
actions of the Turks must be known. Should they leave, 
massacre, pillage and outrage would be continued with im- 
punity. For every reason, not merely of property, but of 
humanity, they should be protected in their position. 

In one respect America is weak in Turkey, and that is in 
the matter of diplomatic and consular representation. At 
Constantinople there is an Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary, a Secretary of Legation, a Consul General 
and Vice-Consul ; at Smyrna, Beirut and Jerusalem, Consuls 
General ; at Trebizond, Alexandretta and Mersine, Vice-Con- 
suls, and Consular Agents at some other places. The only 
Consul in an interior city is at Sivas, though an unpaid Vice- 



AMERICAN CONSULS. 



547 



Consul is located at Aleppo. When the protocol permitting 
American citizens to hold property in the empire was adopted, 
it was evident that increased Consular representat.on through- 
out the empire would be necessary in view of the large 
amount of property held and the number of persons resident 
rices entirely beyond the reach of Consular authority. 
Nothing however, was done by Congress, chiefly on the score 
of economy, and Americans were dependent upon the good 
offices of the English Consuls at Erzrum, Van, Diarbekir, 
Mosul etc When the Sassun massacre opened the eyes ot 
the world to the situation in Turkey, special effort was made 
in Congress, resulting in the establishment of two additional 
Consumes at Erzrum and Harput. The Consuls were ap- 
pointed and sent to Turkey, but the Turkish Government 
refused the necessary exequaturs, and they returned to this 
country, practically no pressure being brought to bear by the 
State Department in the matter. This was most unfortunate. 
Had there been a Consul at Harput, the destruction of property 
would not have occurred, and probably not a little of the 
horror of massacre would have been mitigated. 

The question which, however, has been the most difficult 
to settle between the two governments has been that in 
regard to naturalized citizens. The peculiar privileges granted 
to foreigners under the treaties have always occasioned much 
hostility on the part of Moslems and been greatly desired 
by the Christians. The English rule in regard to natives 
of other countries who secure English citizenship is, that that 
citizenship is void on their return for residence to their native 
countries. This principle has been recognized by this country 
wherever naturalization treaties have been made, as w.th Ger- 
many and other countries. It is an evidently correct principle, 



548 NATURALIZATION TREATY. 

as otherwise American citizenship could be made use of to 
avoid military service and many other duties. Soon after the 
establishment of diplomatic relations between the United 
States and Turkey, a number of Armenians came to this 
country for purposes of education or business, became 
American citizens and afterwards returned to Turkey to live. 
Among them were some who studied medicine and served in 
the civil war as surgeons. There was no naturalization treaty, 
and they claimed and received the full protection and privi- 
leges of American citizens. So long as they were few in 
number there was no difficulty raised, but others of their 
nation and of other nations looked on with envious eyes, and 
within the past twenty years their example has been followed, 
until a large number of Armenian-Americans were to be found 
scattered over the country. In general, they did not make their 
American citizenship known until they got into trouble of 
some sort, but then not infrequently they were the occasion 
of considerable friction between the governments. The 
Turkish Government claimed them as Armenians and Turkish 
subjects ; the American Government claimed them as Ameri- 
cans. Ordinarily matters were arranged by some diplomacy, 
but it became evident that some understanding must be 
secured. Accordingly a naturalization treaty was drawn up. 
In it, however, the Turks insisted that it should be retroactive 
and include all those who were already in Turkey, even those 
who had served in the American army. This the Senate at 
Washington refused to allow, and the result was, failure of 
the negotiations. Since the commencement of disturbances 
the situation has been much aoforavated. The Turkish Govern- 
ment has insisted that certain Armenian-Americans were tak- 
ing advantage of their American citizenship to disseminate 



SERIOUS NATIONAL QUESTIONS. 549 

revolutionary ideas, and have sought to secure their arrest 
and punishment. This was undoubtedly assisted by the fact 
that several Armenians in this country made addresses in 
many places, in which they used the bitterest expressions 
of hostility to the Turkish Government. In view of this, 
President Cleveland, in an annual message, gave expression 
to the principle that no government can force the presence 
of its own subjects upon another government, and that the 
Turkish Government has a perfect right to exclude from its 
territory those whom it deems hostile to its interests. While 
undoubtedly correct as a general principle, it was incorrect in 
view of the treaties, according to which foreigners have the 
recognized right to live in Turkey and pursue their business 
so long as they observe the laws of the empire. In case of 
transgression of those laws, they are to be tried by their own 
Consular authorities, the Turkish courts having no jurisdiction 
except in cases of real estate and in certain matters when a 
Consular officer is not within reach. 

At present the most serious question between the two 
countries is in regard to the right of domicile of American 
citizens. The American missionaries stand as the sole wit- 
nesses accredited before the world, of the atrocities committed 
by the Turkish Government, therefore that government is 
putting forth its best efforts to secure their ejection from the 
country. They also represent the progress of religious 
liberty and civilization, both of which are opposed by Russia, 
who, looking forward to the time when Turkey shall be part 
of her own empire, and dreading the results of American col- 
leges and schools, sympathizes in the wish of Turkey to 
eliminate the whole influence of American missions from 
that land. Unfortunately, working in harmony with these, 



550 DECIDED ACTION NECESSARY. 

though from an entirely different motive, are some Americans, 
who feel that there is no advantage in the missionaries re- 
maining there, and think that to press for their protection 
may involve this country in complications with Europe. 

This is not the place to discuss the general policy of this 
government towards foreign nations. It may, however, be 
said that so far as complications with Europe are concerned, 
there need be no fear of them. There is no need of more 
than the protection of American citizens in their right to stay 
in a country where they have clear and well denned treaty 
rights. That is all that is needed, and that surely no Ameri- 
can refuse. If the question be asked, how that protection can 
be assured, the answer simply is, by firm, decided pressure 
from the American Government. There will be no need of 
war, or anything approaching it. It may be advantageous to 
send some ships to the Mediterranean to give ocular demon- 
stration to the Turks that America exists. It may be advan- 
tageous to do at Rhodes or Mitylene what England did at 
Corinto, but even that will not be necessary. Those who 
have had dealings with the Turkish Government know well 
that it will always do what it has to. There is no need of 
bullying, but there must be decided action. 

We have said that all that is needed is the protection of 
American citizens, that is, so far as the executive branch of 
the Government can go, but surely the people may go farther. 
They can give expression to their protest against the atrocities 
that have stirred the whole world. There is a power in the 
voice of a nation, and if that voice is uttered in clear, unmis- 
takable tones from every city, town and village in the country; 
by every church, society and organization of any kind, it will 
have its effect. The Sultan must respect the repeated protest 



NEED OVERWHELMING. 551 

of Christendom. But that is not all. England, Germany, 
France, even Russia, will not refuse to heed the words of 
America. Along with this, however, should go prompt 
relief. The situation is appalling. Not a tithe of the awful 
story can be told in these pages. We have told enough, 
however, to make it clear that the need is overwhelming. 
Let associations for relief be formed all over the country. 
The Rev. Frederick D. Greene, Secretary of the National 
Armenian Relief Committee, 45 William Street, New York 
City, who has been on the field and knows the situation 
thoroughly, will give all needed information, and Brown 
Brothers, the great bankers, 59 Wall Street, New York City, 
will forward all funds to Americans on the field. Clara 
Barton and her Red Cross associates and the missionaries 
are at their posts. Great efforts are being made to force 
them to leave. America should stand behind them and sup- 
port them. Humanity and duty demand it. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

General Survey. 

Statistics of Massacre and Pillage — Where Does the Responsibility Rest ? — The Turks ; 
Fear, Ferocity, Outrage — The Armenians ; Ambition, Lack of Preparation, Unwisdom of 
Huntchagists — The European Powers; Jealousy, Ambition, Cowardice — The Sultan; 
Alliance with Reactionary Party, Difficult Position, Individual Care of Minutiae — 
Latest Development of Most Terrible Persecution. 

ANY complete statement as to number of victims of the 
massacres is at present impossible, and indeed, will 
probably never be made. This partly for the same reasons 
that make an exact census impracticable, partly because of 
the general scattering of the people, resulting in the destruc- 
tion of their homes. It must also be remembered that com- 
paratively few people even in this country can be relied upon 
to make a correct estimate as to numbers, and inaccuracy in 
this respect is even more characteristic of the East. When to 
these general statements is added the terror that fell upon all, 
it will be readily apparent that exact figures are unattainable, 
even in regard to places where there were intelligent observ- 
ers. But absolutely no account can be taken of the number 
killed in the villages remote from the cities. The following 
table has been made up from the best returns available, and 
in all probability represents the facts in regard to the places 
noted, which are all well known. The figures in regard 
(552) 



STATISTICS OF MASSACRES. 553 

to the interior cities include also the figures for the villages in 
the immediate vicinity, but not those for the remote sections. 
Some of them were quite large districts. Thus, Van city 
has not suffered, but the villages suffered terribly. Massacres 
were also reported from a large number of places, such as 
Tokat, Amasia, Gemerek, Adiaman, Argana, Severek, etc., 
but no reliable statistics, or even estimates, were furnished. 

Constantinople Sept. 30, 1895, 172 

Trebizond Oct. 8, « 1,100 

Ak-Hissar " 9> " 45 

Gumushkhane " «. " 35° 

Baiburt " *3, " 8o ° 

Erzingan " «. " 1 »9«> 

Bitlis " 25. " J'SOO 

Palu "25, " 650 

Diarbekir "25, " 3,000 

Kara Hissar "25, " 800 

Erzrum "30, " 1,200 

^oulanik and Khnus "30, " 700 

Urfa Oct. 27 and Dec. 30, " 6,000 

Malatia Nov. 6, " 5,000 

Arabkir " 6, " 4,000 

Harput " II, " 1,900 

Sivas " 12, " 1,300 

Gurun " 10, " 2,000 

Mush " 15, " 340 

Marsovan " 15, " 125 

Aintab. " 15, " 400 

Marash " 18, " 1,000 

Zille " 26, " 200 

Cesarea " 3°, " 35° 

Birejik Jan. 1, 1896, 200 

Total 35>°32 

Taking this sum, 35,000, as a basis, those who are on the 
field and best qualified to judge make a general estimate of 
the entire loss of life at not less than 50,000, and this has 



554 A CONSERVATIVE ESTIMATE. 

the endorsement of the English and French Ambassadors at 
Constantinople. This, however, is by no means all that is to 
be taken into account. There is the number of those who 
have been forced, sometimes on pain of death, sometimes on 
pain of outrage and suffering worse than death, to, accept 
Mohammedanism. As to those, reports vary, but a conserva- 
tive estimate puts the whole number at about 40,000. Ref- 
erence must also be made to the destruction of houses and 
shops. With regard to these, estimates are more easily 
made and the sum total given of 12,600 burned and 47,000 
plundered, is probably reasonably correct. There remains 
to be considered the number of destitute. This can only be 
estimated something as follows. If the number of killed was 
40,000, inasmuch as they were almost entirely men who 
would each represent a family of at least five persons, this 
would give 200,000. Add to this those who were dependent 
upon the murdered men for employment, those whose shops 
and houses were burned and those who were imprisoned, and 
the estimate of 350,000 to 500,000 it will be easily seen is 
not unreasonable. It is evident that statistics as to the num- 
ber of women and girls outraged are absolutely unattainable. 
We may then, in the most conservative way, summarize the 
whole as follows : 

Number of persons killed (almost entirely men) 5°> 00 ° 

" " houses and shops burned 12,600 

" " " " " plundered 47,000 

" " persons forced to accept Mohammedanism. 40,000 
" " persons destitute 400,000 

These figures are certainly within the truth, and it requires 
but little effort to imagine what they mean. 

The question is forced upon the mind, Where does the 



RESPONSIBILITY. 555 

responsibility for all this loss of life and property, this terri- 
ble suffering, rest? The answer is by no means simple, 
though its general features will be easily recognized by those 
who have read the preceding chapters carefully. The present 
situation is the result of the mutual action of four chief 
factors, some of them having various subdivisions. The 
Turks, the Armenians, the European Powers and the Sultan. 
We will take up each one of these in turn and state as 
clearly as may be, in what is necessarily brief space, the re- 
lations sustained by them to the others and to the general 
result. 

The Turks. The feeling among the Turks is very easily 
understood. For half a century they have seen the general 
situation of the Christians steadily improving, and their own 
situation, if not actually growing worse, at least not improv- 
ing in equal degree. They have been taught by their priests 
to look upon the Christians as "dogs," utterly unworthy of 
any regard. True, under force of circumstances, and in con- 
sequence of certain natural characteristics they have not 
always treated them as "dogs," still the belief has been 
there, and only needed the occasion of some kind to call it 
into exercise. They could not see the slightest necessity of 
any reforms for those whom they looked upon as slaves, 
and the repeated statements issued by the Sultans, and the 
Constitutions and Charters, of equal rights and religious 
liberty, seemed to them treason to their religion and their 
empire. They also realized that the time of their advance 
had ceased. One after another their choicest provinces were 
taken from them, in Europe, Asia and Africa. The more 
intelligent among them began to think that there was some 
power in the world besides their Padishah. The names of 



556 TURKISH COMMUNITY AROUSED. 

Bismarck, Gladstone, Gortschakoff, Andrassy, not to speak of 
the Emperors, were heard all over the land and occasioned 
much uneasiness. Turks returned to their country homes 
from Constantinople with stories of the grandeur of the for- 
eign ambassadors and the honors paid them by Turkish dig- 
nitaries, even by the Sultan. There thus developed an in- 
creasing fear among the whole Moslem population for every- 
thing and everybody that was Christian. This was taken 
advantage of by shrewd Moslem priests and plotters, who 
carefully spread the report that the time might be near when 
Islam would have to defend itself, and talk of the Jehad, or 
Holy War, began to be heard. When the placards to which 
reference has been made were scattered broadcast through- 
out Asia Minor, the whole Turkish community was aroused. 
In an ignorant community news travels exceptionally fast and 
loses nothing as it goes. It was not long before everywhere, 
in the Turkish villages and even in the Turkish quarters of 
the cities, there was general fear of an uprising of the Chris- 
tians, probably to be supported by the European Govern- 
ments. It was absurd, for not one Christian in a hundred, 
scarcely one in a thousand, had a weapon, while comparatively 
few Turks were unarmed. It is also true that this condition 
existed only in a limited section of the country. The greater 
part of the Moslem population, Turkish, Kurdish, Circassian, 
etc., had absolutely no sense of fear. Still its existence in 
some places served the purpose of the leaders, a purpose 
that will be stated later on, and helped to swell the tide of 
anti-Christian feeling which was growing on every side. The 
outbreak in Sassun served two purposes. It whetted the 
appetite for plunder and also showed that that appetite could 
be gratified with no evil results to the plunderers. The fact 



OUTRAGEOUS CRUELTY. 557 

that no one was punished and that the leaders were re- 
warded, was well known throughout the empire. Longing 
eyes were cast upon Christian shops and houses and upon 
Christian women, and threatening glances turned upon the 
owners of the former and the protectors of the latter. If 
they could be got rid of safely, property and sex could be 
appropriated without danger. 

The massacre at Trebizond, following on that at Constanti- 
nople, lighted the torch, and for three months the Moslem 
fury, held in comparative check ever since the capture of 
Constantinople, had full scope. There had indeed been mas- 
sacres, at Scio, in the Lebanon, in Kurdistan, but never was 
such free rein given to the most outrageous cruelty. It is 
well known that passions grow on what they feed on. 
Ingrained in the Turkish character, with some noble elements, 
exist also some of the vilest. Absolute freedom for the vile 
simply overwhelmed the noble. The fury of the early cen- 
turies of Moslem advance broke forth, with the added feroc- 
ity gathered by its period of restraint and the fear lest its 
last opportunity had come. It must be said that many Turks 
have protested against this whole matter, feeling it an out- 
rage on humanity and a most impolitic thing, but their pro- 
test has been as nothing. They have succored a few individ- 
uals, but that is all. The great mass have joined heart and 
soul in murder, pillage and outrage. This motive has 
undoubtedly been mixed. Political fear, religious fanaticism, 
lust for booty, have all entered in varying proportions in dif- 
ferent places. 

The Armenians. It is frequently said that the Huntchagist 
movement is largely responsible for the atrocities, at least as 
furnishing the pretext for the charges of revolution made by 



558 TURKISH OPPRESSION. 

the Turkish Government. How much of truth there is in 
this, it is very difficult to say. It is undoubted fact that in 
certain sections, notably Central Asia Minor, that movement 
operated very strongly to arouse the bitterest feeling on the 
part of the Turks. On the other hand it is also undoubted 
fact, that in not one single instance can it be fairly said that 
the great massacres, as at Erzrum, Harput, Diarbekir, etc., 
had any excuse in the presence of Armenian revolution. 
Granted, however, that the Huntchagist movement did harm, 
and it certainly did, it must be remembered that it was an 
almost inevitable development. The Armenian nation was 
growing in intellectual and moral power. The heavy yoke 
of Turkish oppression was becoming more and more galling. 
The young men of the nation had before their eyes freed 
Bulgaria, freed Servia, freed Rumania, freed Greece. They 
had not read unmoved their early national history, and the 
stories of the revolutions of the close of the eighteenth and 
the middle of the nineteenth centuries. It was most natural 
that they should arise in determination to make a break for 
freedom, or at least for an improvement of their condition. 
Europe had made Bulgaria, why should it not make Armenia ? 
This was fostered by Russian intrigue, just to what extent 
will only be known later, if at all, but certainly to some 
extent. It was foolish undoubtedly, for the circumstances 
were very different. Armenia as a territory had no existence. 
It was scarcely more than a historical name. Boundaries 
might be drawn, but to make the enclosed space an Armenia 
would require the importation of Armenians and the depor- 
tation of Kurds to an extent almost inconceivable. More- 
over, the nation at large was not ready for the movement. It 
was not unified in purpose any more than it was concentrated 



RELATION OF THE GOVERNMENTS. 559 

in location. The plans of the Huntchagists were absurd ; 
their threats issued not merely against Turks, but against 
their own people and friends who would not work with them, 
were criminal. The great mass of the people, however, had 
no part nor lot in those plans or threats, and the charges of 
sedition are even more outrageous and criminal than their 
own worst acts. The question is often asked why the 
Armenians were singled out, and why the Greeks were left 
unmolested. The answer is: (i) that for the time being the 
Turks realized that the Armenian movement was the more 
dangerous ; (2) that there was no danger of the Greeks 
joining them on account of the traditional, racial and 
ecclesiastical hatred between the two races, and their subjuga- 
tion might be left to some other time ; (3) that while the 
Greeks had a well recognized protector in the Czar and his 
powerful government, the Armenians relied upon England, 
which was always a negligeable quantity. The Greeks also 
have as a rule been far more politic in their dealings with 
the Turks, less apt to rouse antagonisms than the Armenians. 
The Armenians thus, while undoubtedly making mistakes, 
and serious ones, were almost the sole victims because they 
furnished the most available field for pillage. 

The European Powers. The relation of the governments of 
Europe, in which are included England, Russia, France, Ger- 
many, Austria and Italy, to the subject of partition of the em- 
pire has been stated in a preceding chapter. It remains here 
simply to note their relation to the massacres. How far were 
they responsible for them ? Could they have prevented them, 
and if they could, why did they not? The contemporary 
observer of political history is very apt to greatly misappre- 
hend a particular situation, especially if it be somewhat com- 
33 



560 NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUE. 

plex. Time is a most important element in correct judgment on 
such matters. Certain things, however, are clear. The Powers 
might, if they had taken the right steps, have prevented the 
massacres, at least those of 1895. The Turkish Government, 
especially of late years, has always yielded to the inevitable. 
The course adopted has generally been as follows : A demand 
on the part of the Powers is followed by a general protest on 
the part of the Porte, which, however, promises to take the 
matter into careful consideration ; then comes a counter-pro- 
posal which either absolutely neutralizes the demand or 
materially modifies it, according to what seems to the Cabinet 
practicable : this is rejected and the demand is reiterated ; 
with many protestations it is received, considered, and a new 
counter-proposal presented, to be again rejected by the Am- 
bassadors. How long this continues depends upon the cir- 
cumstances ; sometimes it covers months, rarely a few weeks. 
At last the demand of the Powers is presented as an ultima- 
tum. To this comes a flat refusal. The Sultan appears 
upon the scene and declines to accept of any abridgment of 
his sovereign rights. The negotiations continue but on a 
slightly different basis. After there has been time to have the 
Sultan's refusal reported over the empire, there is a change 
of ministry, the new regime is instructed to accept the demand 
and Europe has gained its point, at least in appearance, while 
over the empire the Sultan has the reputation of having 
thwarted the sovereigns of Europe. 

To accomplish this, however, it is absolutely essential that 
there be united, unintermitted pressure on the part of the 
Powers interested. Any divergence between them of feeling 
or judgment will be quickly seen and used by the astute 
Turkish politicians, who are wonderfully skilful in fomenting 



CONSTANT AGITATION. 56 1 

jealousies and in creating disturbance generally. The recent 
diplomatic history, so far at it relates to the massacres, may 
be briefly summarized as follows : The Treaty of Berlin and 
the Cyprus Convention placed England in the lead in dip- 
lomatic influence in Constantinople. That lead, however, 
was soon lost largely through the Egyptian question. Russia 
was busy with other matters, internal and Central Asian, but 
kept up a constant intrigue not merely in Constantinople, but 
throughout the empire, seeking to repair the damage done 
to the Treaty of San Stephano, especially to regain her hold 
upon Bulgaria. Austria was occupied with the Czechs and 
Magyars, and gave her outside attention chiefly to strength- 
ening her hold upon Bosnia, but found time to see that Servia 
did not become Russianized. France kept a jealous eye upon 
Egypt and to that purpose watched also the English move- 
ments at Constantinople, offering little hindrance, but refusing 
positive help. Italy had her hands full with her national 
development, as also had Germany, each being chiefly anxious 
to keep the peace in general without giving prestige to any 
one of her rivals. Bismarck's famous dictum, "The whole 
Bulgarian nation is not worth the bones of a single Pomera- 
nian grenadier," expressed the general feeling of all Europe 
except England, and that England shared in it to some extent 
is evident from the fast-and-loose policy she pursued during 
the greater part of Abd-ul-Hamid's reign. 

The constant agitation of the Armenians, however, had its 
effect, and certain prominent Englishmen, notably Mr. James 
Bryce, exerted considerable influence upon the government 
to push the question of reforms. Mr. Gladstone also, who 
had retired from office, joined heartily in the movement, 
speaking and writing in favor of it. This pressure the 



562 TROUBLE IN SASSUN. 

English Government transferred to Constantinople, and 
secured a general endorsement from Russia and France ; 
Germany, Austria and Italy holding aloof from positive action, 
leaving matters to the other three Powers as the ones most 
immediately concerned. While the general discussion was 
going on, the trouble in Sassun broke out, and all Europe saw 
that there might easily be very serious results. Were there 
to be general revolution and massacre, intervention might be 
forced upon them, with a renewal of the former war, except 
that now it would scarcely be possible to localize the trouble. 
Military occupation might be necessary, and what would 
result from that no one could tell. War was the last thinor 
any government wanted, therefore, for once, Russia and 
France joined heartily with England, and the other Powers 
gave moral support. The plan of reforms was prepared, and 
the usual procedure, described above, commenced. After a 
time, however, the zeal of Russia and France grew cool ; diffi- 
culties were raised and modifications suggested. United 
action ceased and the quick eye of the Turk saw the oppor- 
tunity, and he did his best to foster distrust of England. 
Meanwhile the situation was growing worse on every hand. 
Constantinople was in turmoil, which resulted in the massacre 
of September 30th. Then all united in strong pressure, and 
the scheme of reforms was signed, only to be attended by the 
massacre at Trebizond, followed by bloodshed and pillage all 
over the empire. The Ambassadors were apparently uncer- 
tain what to do. The Sultan, in abject terror — to all appear- 
ances — told them that he was powerless; that to give reforms 
to Christians meant the uprising of the Moslem people, and 
he was helpless. England indignantly repudiated his claim, 
it is said, raised the question of his deposition, and sent her 



THE KEY TO THE SITUATION. 563 

fleet to the Dardanelles. Russia and France, however, would 
not support England, and Emperor William of Germany 
entered the lists in favor of the Sultan, claiming that he 
meant well; all he wanted was a little time. The result was 
absolute collapse of any modifying influence upon the Sultan, 
and the Turks were free to do as they liked. 

A gentlemen well versed in Oriental matters has said that, 
in his judgment, England held the key to the situation in 
June, and, by forcing the Dardanelles with her fleet, could 
have prevented the massacres, and at the same time have 
avoided a European war; also, that even in October or 
November, had she acted positively and aggressively, Russia 
and France would have been forced to accept her action. 
Lord Salisbury, however, has stated that this was impossible ; 
that Russia asserted positively that the entrance of the fleet 
would mean war. 

It is evident that responsibility for the massacres rests 
largely upon the European Powers. Upon England for her 
delay in enforcing the stipulations of the Cyprus Convention 
— and perhaps for her cowardice at the close, in refusing to 
act alone, and run the risk of war. Upon Russia for her 
absolute refusal to support England, and probably for her 
encouragement of the intrigues among the Armenians to stir 
revolutionary sentiment, and with the Turkish Government 
to gain her end of dominant influence; upon France for her 
alliance with Russia in her course ; upon Germany for the 
Emperor's refusal to support the cause of justice and right. 
Austria and Italy can scarcely be blamed, as they were not in 
position to antagonize Russia, France and Germany; their 
sympathy was unquestionably with England. Why were all 
so unwilling to act ? Primarily, because each feared damage 



564 PERSONALITY OF THE SULTAN. 

to her own interests ; secondly, because no one except Eng- 
land had the slightest interest in the Armenians. The 
worst stories of the massacres have never moved the heart of 
Europe. Even the support given at one time by France and 
Russia was not from desire to help the oppressed, but to 
watch England and see that she did not get too much advan- 
tage to herself. Humanity availed not a jot with either. 

The Sultan. Probably over no one factor in this whole 
problem has there been so much discussion as over the re- 
sponsibility of Sultan Abd-ul-Hamid II. On the one hand, 
those who have had personal intercourse with him, laud his 
mildness and benignity, and affirm that it is utterly impossible 
that he should have had any share in the immediate execution 
of such atrocious outrages. On the other hand, many who 
know the empire thoroughly, and understand how completely 
the personality of the Sultan, if he is a man of marked indi- 
viduality, dominates every part of his government, even to 
the remote provinces, claim that it is simply impossible that 
the atrocities should have occurred without his knowledge, 
and that he must either have ordered them or have permitted 
them. 

As has already been said, the Sultan has been in a very 
difficult position. When he ascended the throne, or to speak 
more correctly, was girded with the sword of Osman, he found 
himself surrounded by a number of forces. There was the 
old orthodox Moslem element, constituting by far the great 
majority of his Turkish subjects, utterly disapproving of the 
changes of the past three reigns, and calling for a return to 
traditional Moslem customs ; there was the Young Turkey 
Party, not so large in numbers, but clamorous that the advance 
made should not merely be preserved, but increased ; there 



A COURSE OF RESTRICTION. 565 

was also the great outside Moslem world, jealous of the Tar- 
tar usurpation of the Caliphate, and ready to join hands in 
any effort that promised success for restoring the honor to 
the tribe of Koreish ; there were the Armenians, calling for 
Europe to make them independent of Turkish rule ; there 
was Europe watching to see that he helped one power no 
more than another, and anxious lest his internal troubles 
affect the adjoining empires. His various efforts have 
already been set forth in detail. Hence it is only necessary 
to say that, from the time of the dismissal of Haireddin Pasha, 
he apparently gave up all idea of progress and allied himself 
more and more with the reactionary party, identifying himself 
with the effort to restore the historic austerity and vigor of 
Islam. A systematic course of restriction of Christian priv- 
ileges was commenced, with the result set forth in Chapter XIX, 
on the Condition of the Empire in 1894. There was thus very 
apparent an absolute reversal of the policy inaugurated by 
his grandfather, endorsed by his father, and allowed by his 
uncle. Instead of seeking- out for use the best available men 
for the general welfare of the empire, he gave prominence to 
those who would emphasize the Moslem interest at the ex- 
pense of everything else. The natural result was that 
favoritism and incompetence, bribery and extortion reigned. 
The industrial, commercial and financial condition of the 
empire rapidly deteriorated. Coincident with this was in- 
creased complaint on the part of everybody. Orthodox Mos- 
lems, the Young Turkey element, Armenians, Europeans, all 
were dissatisfied, all laid the blame at the doors of the gov- 
ernment, and for them the government meant the Sultan. If 
this appears unjust, it must be said that, with the possible ex- 
ception of Mahmud II, no Sultan has ever held such minute 



566 A GENERAL CRUSADE. 

control over the internal administration of his government as 
has Abd-ul-Hamid II Not merely the appointment of the 
most minor officials, but the granting of the most insignifi- 
cant permits are subject to his approval. He is a man of 
marvelous industry and great ability, and nothing in his em- 
pire, and comparatively little outside of it, escapes his notice. 
It soon became evident that a crisis was approaching. The 
pressure from Europe for reforms and the pressure from 
Turkey against reforms were increasing. If he yielded to the 
former he endangered his Caliphate, if to the latter, his empire. 
Somewhere, or to some one, the suggestion was apparently 
made that the dilemma might be avoided if the reforms 
were granted, but rendered of no practical effect by reducing 
the proportion of Armenians to Turks and consequent 
representation in the government. Whether this was formu- 
lated before the Sassun massacre is doubtful. The ex- 
perience in connection with that probably gave substance to 
the idea that Moslem fanaticism might be utilized in the form 
of a general crusade against the Armenians in defense of the 
Ottoman Empire and Mohammedanism. At any rate that is 
just what was done. The impulse was given under govern- 
ment direction and aid was furnished by government troops. 
Once started, the conflagration spread. At first it was prob- 
bably intended merely to cover the six provinces specially 
mentioned in the scheme of reforms. This, however, proved 
impracticable. The Turks and Kurds of Cesarea, Aintab, 
Marash, etc., were not disposed to stay quiet while those of 
Harput, Diarbekir, Erz'rum and Bitlis were gorging them- 
selves with Christian booty and enriching their harems with 
Christian women. They demanded their share and, willingly 
or unwillingly, the government yielded. In Mesopotamia it 



ADDITIONAL STATEMENTS. 567 

succeeded in keeping the peace in good measure and so far 
outbreaks in Western Asia Minor have been avoided, but 
that was due probably chiefly to the different character of the 
Moslem populace or the preponderance of the Greeks, whom, 
being under the protection of the Czar, even the Turks dared 
not touch. 

Whether the Sultan directly advised the massacres in the 
different cities, is immaterial. These facts stand out clear 
and unmistakable: The massacres occurred; it was the re- 
peated statement of Turkish officials and citizens that they 
were ordered from Constantinople; there was absolutely no 
effort on the part of the government, except in some cases as 
noted above, to prevent them ; they were stopped in every 
case when in the judgment of the officials they had gone far 
enough ; the most ardent admirers of the Sultan have claimed 
for him the most minute supervision of his empire. The 
reader can draw his own conclusions. 

As this closing chapter is written there come in additional 
statements of the suffering throughout the empire. Massacre 
has been followed by persistent persecution, less prominent, 
perhaps, but not less effective. Appeals have come from 
one section of the country to stir the interest of the Christian 
nations, but we can scarcely do better than to close with the 
following letter from one of the largest cities in the empire: 

"As to the whole circle of Christian nations that are stand- 
ing as idle spectators of these infernal orgies, I wonder if they 
have looked upon the Gorgon's head, or do they not yet com- 
prehend what is being done before their eyes ? Do they know 
that horrible and revolting as was the savagery of the recent 
massacres, they have been narrow in effect and tame in 
cruel barbarity compared with the deliberate, malicious and 



568 A STROKE OF BUSINESS. 

unrelenting, crushing and grinding process to which the rem- 
nant of the Armenian people are being subjected? Do these 
Christian Powers comprehend that it is the settled purpose of 
this government to prevent these poor people from being 
properly clothed and fed, and so to make famine and pesti- 
lence their executioners in place of the assassins heretofore 
employed? It is a sharp stroke of business on the part of 
the Turk to suspend his work of butchery for a time, and 
allow his victims, by their unspeakable wretchedness, to draw 
a few thousand pounds from the charitable people of England 
and America, while he looks on complacently, sure of so much 
more plunder whenever it pleases him to finish his bloody 

work? In 12,000 Christians, after having more than 

800 of their shops ancf 450 of their houses looted, and more 
than $500,000 worth of property stolen or destroyed, have 
been kept for over three months in daily and agonizing terror 
for their lives, and utterly unable to do anything to earn a 
livelihood ; 4,000 of their number are wholly dependent 
on charity for daily bread. In this condition government 
has repeatedly demanded of them large sums of money for 
special purposes, and these demands have been accompanied 
with foul abuse and the most ferocious threats. Do the 
Christian Powers understand the purpose of the plan every- 
where being carried out of removing first the principal men 

from each Christian community ? In sixty-four of the 

most influential and wealthy Christians are now languishing 
in Turkish prisons, arrested on purely fictitious charges. 

The Protestant preacher of has been condemned to 

ten years in a Turkish fortress simply for having in his pos- 
session a copy of Lord Salisbury's speech at the opening of 
Parliament. Are the Christian Powers aware that, in these 



SPECIMENS OF FACTS. 569 

prisons, deeds rivalling the worst barbarities of the dark ages 
are being enacted? Overcrowded dungeons, unfit for men 
to stay in, the most violent and offensive insults, beatings and 
torture till the victim faints, are not uncommon; live coals 
put upon the naked bodies of men, sodomy forced upon an 
Armenian priest, are among the amusements in which Turkish 
jailers have been freely indulging. These are only specimens 
of classes of facts of which I have the most unimpeachable 
evidence ; and what is more, these things are part of a plan 
which is being carried out in the end of this nineteenth cen- 
tury by a government in treaty with Christian nations, and 
under the most solemn pledges and obligations to secure 
special privileges to its Christian subjects." 

" Though the mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceeding small ; 
Though with patience He stands waiting, with exactness grinds He all." 



INDEX. 



Abd-ul-Aziz, 246, 233, 277, 282, 286 
Abd-ul-Hamid II, 118, 228, 253, 282, 301, 

324. 564 
Abd-ul-Medjid, 117, 222, 246, 268, 347 
Abyssinians, 159 
Adana, 122, 386 
Adiaman, 487 
Adrianople, Treaty of, 217 
Aintab, 122, 402, 448, 451, 476 
Aintab College, 317 
Ak-Hissar, 477 
Albania, 233, 388, 529 
Albanians, 170 
Albistan, 487 
Aleppo, 148, 447 

Ali Pasha, of janina, 182, 211, 215 
American Ambassadors, 543 
American Bible Society, 319 
American Board of Missions, 163, 313 
American Consuls, 547 
American Missionaries, 41, 115, 268, 278, 

342, 388, 511 
Anatolia College, 339 
Andrassy Note, 253 
Angora, 349 
Antioch, 447 
Arabia, 318, 392 

Arabic Version of the Scriptures, 317 
Arabi Pasha, 327 
Arabkir, 435, 488 
Arabs, 98 
Ararat, 23 

Armenia, 117, 369,558 
Armenian Americans, 341, 548 
Armenian Autonomy, 333 
Armenian Patriarch, 400 
Armenian Question, 330 
Armenian Revolutionists. See Huntcha- 

gists. 



Armenians, 108, 166, 220, 293, 532, 557 
Austria, 183, 534 
Avshars, 39, 101 

Bagdad, 23, 181 

Baiburt, 412 

Barbarossa, 174 

Barnum, Dr. H. N., 428 

Barton, Clara, 512, 551 

Bedouin Arabs, 39, 99 

Beirut, 163, 303 

Berlin, Treaty of, 117, 255, 332, 561 

Bible House in Constantinople, 248, 319, 

512 
Bibles Destroyed, 525 
Birejik, 470 

Bismarck's Famous Dictuni, 561 
Bitlis, 122, 368, 386, 472 
Reformed (Dutch) Church Missions, 318 
Bosnia, 250, 256 
Brewer, Justice David J., 512 
British and Foreign Bible Society, 302, 320 
Bryce, Mr. James, 561 
Bucharest, Congress of, 205, 212 
Bulgaria, 233, 249, 255, 388, 393, 534 
Bulgarian Church, 141 
Bulgarian Massacres, 267 
Bulgarian Question, 330 
Byron, Lord, 216 
Byzantine Empire, 67, 164 

Caliphate Assumed by Turkish Sultan, 171 ,/ 
Capitulations, 185 
Carlowitz, Peace of, 178, 194 
Catholic Mission Convents, 262 
Catholic Missions Established, 190 
Catholicos, 1 19 
Censorship, 282, 357 
Cesarea, 340, 466, 476, 490 

(570 



572 



INDEX. 



Chaldeans, 40, 146, 157, 3 l8 > 533 

Charles V, 185 

Chosroes, 109 

Christian Sects, 64 

Christian Worship Prohibited, 495 

Church Missionary Society, 320 

Circassians, 39, 100, 120, 407, 532 

Cleveland, President, 385, 549 

Communal Rights, 168 

Constantinople, Capture of, 165 

Copts, 158, 267 

Crete, 256 

Crimean War, 242, 415, 542 

Churches Become Mosques, 493 

Cyprus, 176, 258 

Cyprus Convention, 257, 561, 563 

Czar Nicholas, 384 

Damascus, 245, 357 

Death Penalty for Apostasy, 63 

Dersim Kurds, 390, 415 

Dervishes, 95 

Diarbekir, 148, 464, 490 

Disciples of Christ, 319 

Divan, The, 175 

Dolma-Bagtche, 246 

Doria, 174 

Druzes, 39, 104, 245, 403 

Eastern Rumelia, 256 

Eastern Turkey, 529 

Edward III, 259 

Egypt. 193. 220, 326 

English Influence. (See also Stratford de 

Redcliffe.) 192, 397, 534, 561, 563 
Erzingan, 371, 398 
Erzrum, 94, 114, 350, 358, 386, 4*5 
Etchmiadzine, 119 
Euphrates College, 427 
European Turkey, 529 

First Treaty Between Turkey and Europe, 

186 
First Turkish Parliament, 253 
Forced Conversion, 483 
Foreigners in Turkey, 41 
France, First Treaty with Turkey, 186 
France Supports Russia, 562 
Francis I, 183 
Franks, 188 
Free Thought, 335 
French Revolution, 206 

Georgia, 118, 176 



Gladstone on Turkey, 386, 394 

Greene, Rev. F. D., 372, 551 

Golden Age of Turkish Rule, 172 

Greece, 534 

Greek Church, 131, 265 

Greek Independence, 214 

Greek Insurrection, 267 

Greek Question, 330 

Greeks, 130, 293, 533 

Gregory, the Illuminator, 1 10 

Gumushkhand, 412 

Gurun, 464 

Haireddin Pasha, 325, 565 
Hamidieh, Kurdish Cavalry, 97, 121, 369 
Harput, 122, 402, 427 477, 490, 516, 545 
Ilatti Humayoun, 228, 243, 271, 279, 297 

3 IO > 347 
Hatti Sherif of GulhanS, 228, 243, 268 
Herzegovina, 256 
Holy Alliance, 177, 194 
Holy Places in Jerusalem, 200, 239 
Holy War, 556 
Hungary, 172 

Hunkiar Iskellessi, Treaty of, 221, 228 
Huntchagists, 336, 344, 385, 393, 398, 448, 

557 

Italy, 534 

Jacobites, 39, 147, 309, 3*8, 474. 477, 533 

Janissaries, 165, 1 92, 21 8 

Jassy, Treaty of, 206 

Jebel Tur, 148, 154 

Jeddah, 392 

Jerusalem. See Holy Places, also 538 

Jesuits, 163, 264, 

Jews, 40 

Kainardji, Treaty of, 182, 205, 240, 266 

Kars, 257 

Kayayan (Prof.), 339 

Kiamil Pasha, 400 

Kimball, Dr. Grace, 514 

Konieh, 68, 165 

Koran, 55, 294 

Kurdistan, 557 

Kurds, 39, 85, 146, 351, 474 

Kutturbul, 496 

Layard, Sir Henry, 154, 223, 245 
Lazes, 39, 106, 120 
Lebanon, 557 
Levantines, 42 
Louis XIV, 178, 193 



INDEX. 



573 



Macedonia, 529 

Mahdi, The, 62, 328 

Mahmud II, 115, 172, 209, 222, 267, 293, 

300, 307, 565 
Malatia, 435, 522 

Marash, 386, 402, 448, 457, 476, 545 
Marco Bozzaris, 215 
Mardin, 22, 146, 474 
Maronites, 39, 159, 245, 277, 309, 533 
Marsovan, 122, 337, 345, 349, 545 
Maynard, Horace, 542 
Mehemet Ali, 213, 220, 236, 268, 326 
Mesopotamia, 530 
Metawileh, 39 
Midyat, 150 
Mohammed, 51 
Mohammed II, 166, 260 
Mohammedanism, $1, 8l 
Mongols, 145 
Montenegro, 256 
Mosque Schools, 282 
Mosul, 148, 318, 546 
Murad, Sultan, 253, 282 
Mush, 368, 386, 472, 505 

Napoleon, 207, 535 

Napoleon Code, 293 

National Armenian Relief Committee, 512, 

551 
Naturalization Treaty, 548 
Nestorian Scholars, 152 
Nestorians, 40, 45, 146, 151, 309, 318, 533 
Nicomedia, 350, 389, 
Nusairiyeh, 39, 101, 318 

Osman Pasha, 299 

Othman, 69 

Ottoman University, 236 

Palace Intrigues, 326 
Palu, 484, 522 

Pan-Slavist Committee, 119, 331 
Paris, Treaty of, 242, 310 
Passarowitz, Treaty of, 196 
Patriarch of Antioch, 147 
Patriarch of Babylon, 157 
Patriarch of Constantinople, 123 
Persia, 152, 158, 176 
Peter the Great, 189 
Phil-Hellenism, 204, 216 
Poland, 192, 
Polygamy, 73 

Porte. See Sublime Porte. 
Presbyterian Board of Missions (North), 163, 
317 



Rayahs, 153, 174 

Red Cross Society, 512, 551 

Reformed Presbyterian (Covenanter) Mis- 
sion, 318 

Robert College, 248, 312, 315 

Roman Government, 166 

Rumania, 257 

Russian Aggression, 207, 227, 241, 267 

Russian Ambassador in Constantinople, 
H95» 183 

Russian Armenia, 118 

Russian Armenian Agitators, 407 

Russian Intrigues, 181, 203, 233, 277 

Saladin, 93 

Salisbury, Lord, 397, 401, 405 

San Stephano, Treaty of, 254, 257 

Sancta Sophia, 133 

Saracens, 146 

Sassun, 384, 404, 479, 504, 556, 566 

Scio, Island of, 191, 215, 267, 547 

Scanderbeg, 170 

Scotch Missions, 320 

Seraglio, 246 

Sert, 151, 476 

Servia, 170, 233, 256, 267 

Sheik-ul-Islam, 281, 297, 300 

Sherif of Mecca, 171 

Shiahs, 62, 88 

Sivas, 464 

Sis, in 

Softas, 298, 399, 480 

Sobieski, 177, 194 

Smyrna, 303 

Statistics of Massacres, 553 

Straus, Oscar S., 542 

Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord, 191, 210,225, 

234, 238, 240, 268 
Sublime Porte, 281, 300, 399 
Suleiman the Magnificent, 171 
Sultans as Caliphs, 167, 294 
Sunnis, 62, 88 
Suez Canal, 327 
Sweden, Treaty with, 199 
Syria, 245, 530 
Syrian Protestant College, 163, 248, 312, 

3.17 
Syrians, 145, 267 

Tamerlane, 152, 165 

Tarsus, 393 

Tartars, 145 

Terrell, A. W., 513, 520 

Thoumaian (Mr.), 339 

Tilsit, Peace of, 208 



574 



INDEX. 



Trebizond, 406, 476 
Turcomans, 39, 447 
Turkish Relief Commission, 504 
Turkish Version of the Bible, 76 

Ulemas, 174, 213, 281, 298 
Uniat Chaldean Church, 153 
Uniats, 159 

United Armenian Church, 163 
United Presbyterian Board, 159, 31? 
Urfa, 109, 148, 460, 476, 487, 546 

Vakouf, 283 

Van, 22, 368, 386, 415, 472, 514 



Venetians, 170, 189 
Vienna, 173, 177 

Wallace, Gen. Lew, 542 
Wallachia, 164, 170, 267 
William of Orange, 178 

Yezidis, 102 

Young Turkey Party, 60, 343, 394, 564 

Yuzgat, 337, 340, 349, 365 

Xeibecks, 39, 101 

Zeitun, 45, 122, 386, 448, 456, 459 



ii!2£EL 0F CONGRESS 



019 617 325 



